{"id":24870,"date":"2024-04-12T20:02:28","date_gmt":"2024-04-12T20:02:28","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.theconservative.online\/proc-se-einaudi-mylil-v-nazoru-na-nacionalismus"},"modified":"2024-04-12T20:02:28","modified_gmt":"2024-04-12T20:02:28","slug":"proc-se-einaudi-mylil-v-nazoru-na-nacionalismus","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.theconservative.online\/cs\/proc-se-einaudi-mylil-v-nazoru-na-nacionalismus","title":{"rendered":"Pro\u010d se Einaudi m\u00fdlil v n\u00e1zoru na nacionalismus"},"content":{"rendered":"<h2>Evropsk\u00fd den\u00edk: Nik\u00f3sie, b\u0159ezen 2024<\/h2>\n<p>Na ja\u0159e 1983 nav\u0161t\u00edvil Friedrich A. von Hayek skupinu student\u016f na Oxfordsk\u00e9 univerzit\u011b. Cht\u011bli zalo\u017eit Hayekovu spole\u010dnost, kter\u00e1 by diskutovala o konzervativn\u00edch a klasick\u00fdch liber\u00e1ln\u00edch my\u0161lenk\u00e1ch. Byl jsem jedn\u00edm z t\u011bchto student\u016f a v t\u00e9 dob\u011b jsem psal doktorskou pr\u00e1ci o Hayekov\u00fdch teori\u00edch. Hayek vyj\u00e1d\u0159il pot\u011b\u0161en\u00ed nad t\u00edm, \u017ee se mlad\u00ed lid\u00e9 zaj\u00edmaj\u00ed o jeho my\u0161lenky. Stanovil n\u00e1m v\u0161ak jednu podm\u00ednku, abychom mohli pou\u017e\u00edvat jeho jm\u00e9no: &#8222;Mus\u00edte sl\u00edbit, \u017ee se nestanete hayekovci. V\u0161iml jsem si, \u017ee keynesi\u00e1nci jsou mnohem hor\u0161\u00ed ne\u017e Keynes a marxist\u00e9 mnohem hor\u0161\u00ed ne\u017e Marx. Ne v\u017edy jsem byl schopen n\u00e1\u0161 slib Hayekovi splnit, proto\u017ee se s n\u00edm do zna\u010dn\u00e9 m\u00edry shodnu na filozofii a politice. Podle m\u00e9ho n\u00e1zoru je nejhlub\u0161\u00ed intelektu\u00e1ln\u00ed obhajobou svobodn\u00e9 spole\u010dnosti ve dvac\u00e1t\u00e9m stolet\u00ed. Jak jsem v\u0161ak \u0159ekl poslucha\u010d\u016fm sv\u00e9 p\u0159edn\u00e1\u0161ky na kulturn\u00edm v\u00edkendu ECR Party 29.-30. b\u0159ezna 2024 v kypersk\u00e9 Nik\u00f3sii, nesd\u00edl\u00edm odm\u00edtav\u00fd postoj Hayeka a mnoha dal\u0161\u00edch v\u00fdznamn\u00fdch liber\u00e1ln\u00edch myslitel\u016f k n\u00e1rodn\u00edmu st\u00e1tu. Na rozd\u00edl od Hayeka bych se p\u0159ikl\u00e1n\u011bl sp\u00ed\u0161e k n\u00ed, a\u010dkoli nen\u00ed zdaleka jedinou mo\u017enost\u00ed politick\u00e9ho uspo\u0159\u00e1d\u00e1n\u00ed.<\/p>\n<h3>Einaudiho d\u016fle\u017eit\u00e9 my\u0161lenky o dan\u00edch<\/h3>\n<p>Moje p\u0159edn\u00e1\u0161ka se t\u00fdkala t\u00e9mat z m\u00e9 p\u0159ipravovan\u00e9 knihy, v n\u00ed\u017e srovn\u00e1v\u00e1m seversk\u00fd liberalismus, kter\u00fd formuloval plodn\u00fd d\u00e1nsk\u00fd b\u00e1sn\u00edk a pastor Nikolaj F. S. Grundtvig, a ji\u017eanskou variantu, kterou p\u0159edstavil v\u00fdznamn\u00fd italsk\u00fd ekonom Luigi Einaudi, prezident It\u00e1lie v letech 1948-1955, kter\u00fd je obecn\u011b pova\u017eov\u00e1n za jednoho z otc\u016f nejen italsk\u00e9ho hospod\u00e1\u0159sk\u00e9ho z\u00e1zraku po druh\u00e9 sv\u011btov\u00e9 v\u00e1lce, ale tak\u00e9 Evropsk\u00e9 unie. Ocenil jsem Einaudiho v\u00fdznamn\u00fd p\u0159\u00ednos v oblasti ve\u0159ejn\u00fdch financ\u00ed. Jedna z nich se t\u00fdkala spravedliv\u00e9 dan\u011b. P\u0159i hled\u00e1n\u00ed spravedliv\u00e9 dan\u011b navrhl \u0161v\u00e9dsk\u00fd ekonom Knut Wicksell krit\u00e9rium jednomyslnosti: To by byl jedin\u00fd zp\u016fsob, jak aplikovat z\u00e1sadu nenutit, kter\u00e1 je b\u011b\u017en\u00e1 na voln\u00e9m trhu, na politiku. Na svobodn\u00e9m a konkuren\u010dn\u00edm trhu si lid\u00e9 vym\u011b\u0148uj\u00ed zbo\u017e\u00ed a slu\u017eby pouze po vz\u00e1jemn\u00e9 dohod\u011b, obvykle na z\u00e1klad\u011b sv\u00fdch n\u00e1zor\u016f na to, co je pro n\u011b v\u00fdhodn\u00e9. V politice v\u0161ak v\u017edy existuje nebezpe\u010d\u00ed, \u017ee skupina s politick\u00fdm vlivem ji vyu\u017eije pro sv\u00e9 zvl\u00e1\u0161tn\u00ed z\u00e1jmy.<\/p><div class='related_content'><span>RELATED<\/span><ul><li><a href='https:\/\/www.theconservative.online\/cs\/moderni-krize-se-resi-chytlavymi-slogany'>Modern\u00ed krize se \u0159e\u0161\u00ed chytlav\u00fdmi slogany<\/li><\/a><li><a href='https:\/\/www.theconservative.online\/cs\/eu-celi-nedostatku-pracovniku-ve-zdravotnictvi-a-planuje-zefektivnit-uznavani-lekarskych-kvalifikaci'>EU \u010del\u00ed nedostatku pracovn\u00edk\u016f ve zdravotnictv\u00ed a pl\u00e1nuje zefektivnit uzn\u00e1v\u00e1n\u00ed l\u00e9ka\u0159sk\u00fdch kvalifikac\u00ed<\/li><\/a><li><a href='https:\/\/www.theconservative.online\/cs\/zasah-eu-proti-migraci-vyvolava-obavy-z-modelu-ice'>Z\u00e1sah EU proti migraci vyvol\u00e1v\u00e1 obavy z modelu &#8222;ICE&#8220;<\/li><\/a><\/ul><\/div>\n<p>Einaudi se v\u0161ak domn\u00edval, \u017ee krit\u00e9rium jednomyslnosti nen\u00ed praktick\u00e9, a to z n\u011bkolika d\u016fvod\u016f. M\u00edsto toho navrhl krit\u00e9rium p\u0159ijatelnosti. Pokud by byla da\u0148 v\u0161eobecn\u011b p\u0159ij\u00edman\u00e1, pak by mohla b\u00fdt pova\u017eov\u00e1na za spravedlivou da\u0148, kter\u00e1 by se platila t\u00e9m\u011b\u0159 se stejn\u00fdm klidem jako svobodn\u011b vybran\u00e9 zbo\u017e\u00ed nebo slu\u017eba na trhu. Koneckonc\u016f spravedliv\u00e1 da\u0148 je platbou za nezbytn\u00e9 slu\u017eby vl\u00e1dy, kterou lze podle Einaudiho pova\u017eovat za \u010dtvrt\u00fd v\u00fdrobn\u00ed faktor, vedle pr\u00e1ce, p\u016fdy a kapit\u00e1lu. Dan\u011b, mzdy, n\u00e1jemn\u00e9 a \u00faroky je t\u0159eba pova\u017eovat za ceny z\u00e1kladn\u00edch slu\u017eeb t\u011bchto \u010dty\u0159 v\u00fdrobn\u00edch faktor\u016f. Z toho vypl\u00fdv\u00e1, \u017ee by se zd\u00e1lo stejn\u011b podivn\u00e9 rozd\u011blovat dan\u011b podle platebn\u00ed schopnosti jako \u00fa\u010dtovat cenu za chl\u00e9b prod\u00e1van\u00fd v pek\u00e1rn\u011b nikoli podle schopnosti uspokojit spot\u0159ebitele, ale podle rozd\u00edln\u00fdch prost\u0159edk\u016f z\u00e1kazn\u00edk\u016f, tak\u017ee bohat\u00fd \u010dlov\u011bk by za sv\u016fj bochn\u00edk chleba zaplatil v\u00edce ne\u017e chud\u00fd. Mysl\u00edm, \u017ee Einaudiho n\u00e1zor je p\u00e1dn\u00fdm argumentem proti progresivn\u00edmu zdan\u011bn\u00ed. Vl\u00e1da poskytuje slu\u017eby, kter\u00e9 by m\u011bly b\u00fdt ocen\u011bny (financov\u00e1ny z dan\u00ed) tak, aby jej\u00ed z\u00e1kazn\u00edci (ob\u010dan\u00e9) byli maxim\u00e1ln\u011b spokojeni s jejich poskytov\u00e1n\u00edm.<\/p>\n<p>Einaudi upozornil na dal\u0161\u00ed d\u016fle\u017eitou v\u011bc t\u00fdkaj\u00edc\u00ed se zdan\u011bn\u00ed: Zdan\u011bn\u00ed p\u0159\u00edjm\u016f z kapit\u00e1lu je p\u0159\u00edpadem dvoj\u00edho zdan\u011bn\u00ed, proto\u017ee kapit\u00e1l byl akumulov\u00e1n \u00fasporami na p\u0159\u00edjmech. (Tento argument pou\u017eil ji\u017e John Stuart Mill v devaten\u00e1ct\u00e9m stolet\u00ed, jak poznamenal Einaudi.) Uva\u017eujme dva jednotlivce, Luigiho a Fabia, kte\u0159\u00ed maj\u00ed stejn\u00fd ro\u010dn\u00ed p\u0159\u00edjem. Luigo je spo\u0159iv\u00fd a podnikav\u00fd a polovinu sv\u00e9ho ro\u010dn\u00edho p\u0159\u00edjmu odkl\u00e1d\u00e1 na investice, t\u0159eba do vlastn\u00ed mal\u00e9 rodinn\u00e9 firmy. Na druh\u00e9 stran\u011b Fabio ka\u017ed\u00fd rok utrat\u00ed cel\u00fd sv\u016fj p\u0159\u00edjem za zbo\u017e\u00ed a slu\u017eby. Oba zaplatili stejnou \u010d\u00e1stku na dani z p\u0159\u00edjmu. Zat\u00edmco Luigi pak mus\u00ed nav\u00edc platit da\u0148 z p\u0159\u00edjmu z kapit\u00e1lu z\u00edskan\u00e9ho z \u00faspor, Fabio u\u017e \u017e\u00e1dnou da\u0148 platit nemus\u00ed. Jin\u00fdmi slovy, dan\u011b z majetku a kapit\u00e1lov\u00fdch v\u00fdnos\u016f trestaj\u00ed \u0161etrn\u00e9 a odm\u011b\u0148uj\u00ed rozhazova\u010dn\u00e9. Dosud byla spo\u0159ivost pova\u017eov\u00e1na za ctnost a rozhazova\u010dnost za ne\u0159est. Tyto dan\u011b nav\u00edc sni\u017euj\u00ed objem pen\u011bz, kter\u00e9 maj\u00ed k dispozici podnikatel\u00e9 a investo\u0159i rizikov\u00e9ho kapit\u00e1lu, kte\u0159\u00ed jsou v kapitalismu motorem pokroku. U d\u011bdick\u00e9 dan\u011b se obvykle jedn\u00e1 o troj\u00ed zdan\u011bn\u00ed: nejprve se zdan\u00ed po\u010d\u00e1te\u010dn\u00ed p\u0159\u00edjem, pot\u00e9 se zdan\u00ed p\u0159\u00edjem spo\u0159iv\u00fdch osob z jejich \u00faspor a nakonec se zdan\u00ed majetek, kter\u00fd v pr\u016fb\u011bhu let nashrom\u00e1\u017edili; nemohou jej tedy cel\u00fd p\u0159edat sv\u00fdm d\u011btem nebo s n\u00edm nakl\u00e1dat jin\u00fdm zp\u016fsobem (nap\u0159\u00edklad jako se soukromou charitou).<\/p>\n<h3>Neagresivn\u00ed nacionalismus<\/h3>\n<p>Einaudi m\u011bl v mnoha ot\u00e1zk\u00e1ch pravdu. Stejn\u011b jako Hayek se v\u0161ak m\u00fdlil, kdy\u017e odm\u00edtal nacionalismus, \u0159ekl jsem sv\u00fdm poslucha\u010d\u016fm v Nik\u00f3sii. M\u011bl samoz\u0159ejm\u011b na mysli bojovn\u00fd nacionalismus, jeho\u017e byl sv\u011bdkem za prvn\u00ed sv\u011btov\u00e9 v\u00e1lky a kter\u00fd demagogov\u00e9 cynicky vyu\u017e\u00edvali k vyvol\u00e1n\u00ed nen\u00e1visti jednoho n\u00e1roda v\u016f\u010di jin\u00fdm n\u00e1rod\u016fm, obvykle s v\u00fdzvou k dobyt\u00ed jin\u00fdch \u00fazem\u00ed a podman\u011bn\u00ed jejich obyvatel. Je v\u0161ak t\u0159eba rozli\u0161ovat mezi t\u00edmto odi\u00f3zn\u00edm druhem nacionalismu a neagresivn\u00edm nacionalismem, kter\u00fd p\u0159edstavuje Grundtvig a kter\u00fd je zalo\u017een na v\u016fli spole\u010denstv\u00ed vytvo\u0159it st\u00e1t, proto\u017ee sd\u00edl\u00ed spole\u010dnou kulturu a historii a \u010dasto i jazyk. Kontrast mezi ob\u011bma druhy nacionalismu se jasn\u011b projevil ve \u0161lesvick\u00e9m konfliktu mezi D\u00e1nskem a N\u011bmeck\u00fdm spolkem. Byl to zvl\u00e1\u0161tn\u00ed konflikt. D\u00e1nsk\u00fd kr\u00e1l byl v\u00e9vodou \u0160lesvicka, kter\u00e9 bylo p\u016fvodn\u011b t\u00e9m\u011b\u0159 zcela d\u00e1nsky mluv\u00edc\u00ed, ale v 60. letech 19. stolet\u00ed bylo t\u00e9m\u011b\u0159 rovnom\u011brn\u011b rozd\u011bleno mezi d\u00e1nsky mluv\u00edc\u00ed obyvatele severn\u00edho \u0160lesvicka a n\u011bmecky mluv\u00edc\u00ed obyvatele ji\u017en\u00edho \u0160lesvicka. D\u00e1n\u0161t\u00ed nacionalist\u00e9 cht\u011bli p\u0159ipojit cel\u00e9 \u0160lesvicko a donutit N\u011bmce v ji\u017en\u00edm \u0160lesvicku, aby se stali d\u00e1nsk\u00fdmi ob\u010dany. N\u011bme\u010dt\u00ed nacionalist\u00e9 cht\u011bli tak\u00e9 p\u0159ipojit cel\u00e9 \u0160lesvicko a donutit D\u00e1ny v severn\u00edm \u0160lesvicku, aby se stali ob\u010dany n\u011bmeck\u00e9ho st\u00e1tu. Ob\u011b skupiny tedy byly agresivn\u00edmi nacionalisty. Grundtvig v\u0161ak navrhl, aby byl \u0160lesvicko rozd\u011bleno mezi dv\u011b spole\u010denstv\u00ed, p\u0159i\u010dem\u017e severn\u00ed polovina by se stala sou\u010d\u00e1st\u00ed D\u00e1nska a ji\u017en\u00ed \u010d\u00e1st N\u011bmecka.<\/p>\n<p>Ve sv\u00e9 slavn\u00e9 b\u00e1sni Grundtvig vyj\u00e1d\u0159il my\u0161lenku n\u00e1rodnosti na z\u00e1klad\u011b souhlasu:<\/p>\n<blockquote><p>V\u0161ichni jsou \u010dleny &#8222;lidu<\/p>\n<p>kte\u0159\u00ed se za n\u011b pova\u017euj\u00ed,<\/p>\n<p>Ti, jejich\u017e mate\u0159\u0161tina zn\u00ed nejslad\u010deji,<\/p>\n<p>A jejich vlast velmi miluj\u00ed.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n<p>Stejnou my\u0161lenku pozd\u011bji vyslovil francouzsk\u00fd historik Ernest Renan v <a href=\"http:\/\/ucparis.fr\/files\/9313\/6549\/9943\/What_is_a_Nation.pdf\">p\u0159edn\u00e1\u0161ce<\/a> o pojmu n\u00e1rod: Renan \u0159ekl, \u017ee historie, jazyk a poloha skupiny mohou b\u00fdt d\u016fle\u017eit\u00e9 pro utv\u00e1\u0159en\u00ed jej\u00ed identity, ale v kone\u010dn\u00e9m d\u016fsledku \u017e\u00e1dn\u00fd z t\u011bchto atribut\u016f neur\u010duje, co je n\u00e1rod. Ameri\u010dan\u00e9 a Britov\u00e9 mluv\u00ed stejn\u00fdm jazykem, ale jsou to dva r\u016fzn\u00e9 n\u00e1rody. \u0160v\u00fdca\u0159i jsou n\u00e1rod, i kdy\u017e mluv\u00ed \u010dty\u0159mi jazyky. N\u011bmecky mluv\u00edc\u00ed Evropan\u00e9 pat\u0159\u00ed nejm\u00e9n\u011b do t\u0159\u00ed st\u00e1t\u016f: N\u011bmecka, Rakouska a \u0160v\u00fdcarska (vedle mal\u00fdch men\u0161in v Belgii a It\u00e1lii). Jak \u0159\u00edk\u00e1 Renan, jazyk vyz\u00fdv\u00e1 lidi ke sjednocen\u00ed, ale nenut\u00ed je k tomu. Rozhoduj\u00edc\u00ed je v\u016fle skupiny \u017e\u00edt spole\u010dn\u011b pod stejn\u00fdm z\u00e1konem a ve stejn\u00e9m st\u00e1t\u011b. Je to jeho spont\u00e1nn\u00ed a dobrovoln\u00e1 sebeidentifikace: &#8222;P\u0159edpokl\u00e1d\u00e1 minulost; v p\u0159\u00edtomnosti je v\u0161ak shrnuta hmatatelnou skute\u010dnost\u00ed, toti\u017e souhlasem, jasn\u011b vyj\u00e1d\u0159en\u00fdm p\u0159\u00e1n\u00edm pokra\u010dovat ve spole\u010dn\u00e9m \u017eivot\u011b. Existence n\u00e1roda je, promi\u0148te mi tu metaforu, ka\u017edodenn\u00edm plebiscitem, stejn\u011b jako existence jednotlivce je neust\u00e1l\u00fdm potvrzov\u00e1n\u00edm \u017eivota. Renan dodal: &#8222;Vzniknou-li pochybnosti o st\u00e1tn\u00edch hranic\u00edch, pora\u010fte se s obyvateli sporn\u00e9ho \u00fazem\u00ed. Maj\u00ed pr\u00e1vo na vyj\u00e1d\u0159en\u00ed k t\u00e9to ot\u00e1zce.<\/p>\n<p>D\u00e1nsko a N\u011bmeck\u00fd spolek vedly o \u0160lesvicko dv\u011b v\u00e1lky. Ve druh\u00e9 \u0161lesvick\u00e9 v\u00e1lce v roce 1864 bylo D\u00e1nsko pora\u017eeno a ztratilo \u0160lesvicko i dal\u0161\u00ed dv\u011b n\u011bmecky mluv\u00edc\u00ed \u00fazem\u00ed. Men\u0161ina 200 000 d\u00e1nsky mluv\u00edc\u00edch obyvatel severn\u00edho \u0160lesvicka se proti sv\u00e9 v\u016fli ocitla v Prusku. Po por\u00e1\u017ece N\u011bmecka v prvn\u00ed sv\u011btov\u00e9 v\u00e1lce byl Grundtvig\u016fv star\u00fd n\u00e1vrh nakonec realizov\u00e1n. V roce 1920 bylo \u0160lesvicko rozd\u011bleno na t\u0159i z\u00f3ny, kter\u00e9 si mohly vybrat mezi D\u00e1nskem a N\u011bmeckem. Nejsevern\u011bj\u0161\u00ed z\u00f3na hlasovala v drtiv\u00e9 v\u011bt\u0161in\u011b pro D\u00e1nsko a pot\u00e9, co st\u0159edn\u00ed z\u00f3na hlasovala v drtiv\u00e9 v\u011bt\u0161in\u011b pro N\u011bmecko, bylo pova\u017eov\u00e1no za zbyte\u010dn\u00e9 po\u0159\u00e1dat referendum v nejji\u017en\u011bj\u0161\u00ed z\u00f3n\u011b, kter\u00e1 by z\u0159ejm\u011b hlasovala pro N\u011bmecko. Hranice mezi D\u00e1nskem a N\u011bmeckem byla proto posunuta na jih a 10. \u010dervence 1920 d\u00e1nsk\u00fd kr\u00e1l Kristi\u00e1n X. majest\u00e1tn\u011b p\u0159ejel na b\u00edl\u00e9m koni hranici z roku 1864 (jak je zn\u00e1zorn\u011bno na v\u00fd\u0161e uveden\u00e9m obraze Hanse N. Hansena). D\u00e1nsko je dnes stejn\u011b jako dal\u0161\u00ed \u010dty\u0159i seversk\u00e9 zem\u011b p\u0159\u00edkladem dob\u0159e funguj\u00edc\u00edho n\u00e1rodn\u00edho st\u00e1tu, kde se ob\u010dan\u00e9 c\u00edt\u00ed jako doma. Ob\u010dansk\u00e1 spole\u010dnost &#8211; mezistupe\u0148 mezi jednotlivcem a st\u00e1tem &#8211; je zde stejn\u011b jako v ostatn\u00edch seversk\u00fdch zem\u00edch velmi \u017eiv\u00e1. D\u00e1nov\u00e9 ne\u017eij\u00ed ani v pevnosti, ani ve v\u011bzen\u00ed. Jsou hrd\u00ed na svou identitu a d\u011bdictv\u00ed, bez z\u00e1\u0161ti a ho\u0159kosti v\u016f\u010di jin\u00fdm n\u00e1rod\u016fm.<\/p>\n<h3>Obnoven\u00ed z\u00e1sady subsidiarity<\/h3>\n<p>Einaudi se domn\u00edval, \u017ee konfederace typu Spole\u010dnosti n\u00e1rod\u016f (a p\u0159edt\u00edm Svat\u00e9 \u0159\u00ed\u0161e \u0159\u00edmsk\u00e9) je p\u0159\u00edli\u0161 slab\u00e1 na to, aby dok\u00e1zala udr\u017eet m\u00edr a zajistit \u00fa\u010dinn\u00fd r\u00e1mec pro v\u00fdrobu a obchod v r\u00e1mci spole\u010dn\u00e9ho evropsk\u00e9ho trhu. Proto navrhl vytvo\u0159en\u00ed evropsk\u00e9 federace s vojenskou silou, spole\u010dnou m\u011bnou a z\u00e1konod\u00e1rn\u00fdm org\u00e1nem, i kdy\u017e tvrdil, \u017ee \u00fakoly takov\u00e9 federace by m\u011bly b\u00fdt omezeny na nezbytn\u00e9 minimum. Ve sv\u00e9 p\u0159edn\u00e1\u0161ce jsem pouk\u00e1zal na to, \u017ee tyto t\u0159i n\u00e1vrhy se neuk\u00e1zaly b\u00fdt p\u0159\u00edli\u0161 re\u00e1ln\u00e9. Nejprve to bylo NATO, Organizace Severoatlantick\u00e9 smlouvy, kter\u00e1 zaji\u0161\u0165ovala obranu Evropy za z\u00e1sadn\u00ed pomoci Spojen\u00fdch st\u00e1t\u016f a Kanady. Zvl\u00e1\u0161tn\u00ed evropsk\u00e9 vojensk\u00e9 s\u00edly jsou proto zbyte\u010dn\u00e9. M\u00edsto toho by m\u011blo b\u00fdt pos\u00edleno NATO, aby Ameri\u010dan\u00e9 z\u016fstali uvnit\u0159 a Rusov\u00e9 venku.<\/p>\n<p>Za druh\u00e9, kdy\u017e se v 90. letech pl\u00e1novala spole\u010dn\u00e1 m\u011bna, p\u0159edn\u00ed n\u011bme\u010dt\u00ed ekonomov\u00e9 dvakr\u00e1t ve\u0159ejn\u011b varovali, \u017ee Evropa na ni nen\u00ed p\u0159ipravena, proto\u017ee ekonomiky \u010dlensk\u00fdch st\u00e1t\u016f nejsou dostate\u010dn\u011b sbl\u00ed\u017eeny a proto\u017ee ve zbytku Evropy neexistuje stejn\u00e9 odhodl\u00e1n\u00ed udr\u017eet stabiln\u00ed m\u011bnu jako v N\u011bmecku. Bohu\u017eel se uk\u00e1zalo, \u017ee m\u011bli pravdu. A\u010dkoli byla p\u016fvodn\u011b p\u0159ijata p\u0159\u00edsn\u00e1 pravidla t\u00fdkaj\u00edc\u00ed se eura, byla opakovan\u011b poru\u0161ov\u00e1na. Einaudi byl siln\u00fdm zast\u00e1ncem spole\u010dn\u00e9 m\u011bny. &#8222;V\u00fdhoda syst\u00e9mu by nespo\u010d\u00edvala pouze ve v\u00fdpo\u010dtu a pohodl\u00ed p\u0159eshrani\u010dn\u00edch plateb a transakc\u00ed. Tato v\u00fdhoda je sice velmi v\u00fdznamn\u00e1, ale je mal\u00e1 ve srovn\u00e1n\u00ed s jinou, mnohem v\u011bt\u0161\u00ed v\u00fdhodou: zru\u0161en\u00edm suverenity jednotliv\u00fdch st\u00e1t\u016f v m\u011bnov\u00fdch z\u00e1le\u017eitostech,&#8220; napsal v roce 1944. &#8222;Pokud evropsk\u00e1 federace znemo\u017en\u00ed jednotliv\u00fdm federativn\u00edm st\u00e1t\u016fm platit za ve\u0159ejn\u00e9 pr\u00e1ce tiskem dal\u0161\u00edch bankovek a donut\u00ed je, aby pot\u0159ebn\u00e9 prost\u0159edky z\u00edsk\u00e1valy v\u00fdhradn\u011b z dan\u00ed a dobrovoln\u00fdch p\u016fj\u010dek, dos\u00e1hne u\u017e jen t\u00edm velk\u00e9ho \u00fasp\u011bchu. To se v\u0161ak nestalo. Euro nen\u00ed D-Mark. Probl\u00e9m m\u011bkk\u00fdch pen\u011bz se p\u0159enesl z n\u00e1rodn\u00ed na evropskou \u00farove\u0148.<\/p>\n<p>Za t\u0159et\u00ed, z\u00e1konod\u00e1rnou moc v Evrop\u011b ve skute\u010dnosti nem\u00e1 Evropsk\u00fd parlament, ale netransparentn\u00ed a nevolen\u00e1 Evropsk\u00e1 komise. Soudci Soudn\u00edho dvora Evropsk\u00e9 unie (SDEU) t\u00e9m\u011b\u0159 v\u017edy rozhoduj\u00ed v jeho prosp\u011bch a rozhodli, \u017ee jeho ustanoven\u00ed maj\u00ed p\u0159ednost p\u0159ed vnitrost\u00e1tn\u00edm pr\u00e1vem. Mnoh\u00e9 z jeho rozsudk\u016f lze vysv\u011btlit samov\u00fdb\u011brem a snahou o zv\u00fd\u0161en\u00ed moci. Evropsk\u00e1 komise a Soudn\u00ed dv\u016fr EU do zna\u010dn\u00e9 m\u00edry ignoruj\u00ed z\u00e1sadu subsidiarity, podle n\u00ed\u017e by se politick\u00e9 ot\u00e1zky m\u011bly \u0159e\u0161it na co nejbli\u017e\u0161\u00ed nebo m\u00edstn\u00ed \u00farovni. Princip subsidiarity byl jasn\u011b vyj\u00e1d\u0159en v pape\u017esk\u00e9 encyklice <em>Quadragesimo anno<\/em> z roku 1931., \u00a7 79: &#8222;Tak jako je t\u011b\u017ece nespr\u00e1vn\u00e9 br\u00e1t jednotlivc\u016fm to, co mohou vykonat vlastn\u00ed iniciativou a prac\u00ed, a d\u00e1vat to spole\u010denstv\u00ed, tak je tak\u00e9 nespravedlnost\u00ed a z\u00e1rove\u0148 t\u011b\u017ek\u00fdm zlem a naru\u0161en\u00edm spr\u00e1vn\u00e9ho \u0159\u00e1du p\u0159isuzovat v\u011bt\u0161\u00edmu a vy\u0161\u0161\u00edmu sdru\u017een\u00ed to, co mohou vykonat men\u0161\u00ed a pod\u0159\u00edzen\u00e9 organizace. Ve sv\u00e9 p\u0159edn\u00e1\u0161ce v Nik\u00f3sii jsem navrhl, \u017ee by snad \u00fakoly SDEU mohly b\u00fdt rozd\u011bleny mezi dva soudy. Sou\u010dasn\u00fd SDEU by m\u011bl rozhodovat o \u010dist\u011b pr\u00e1vn\u00edch ot\u00e1zk\u00e1ch, zat\u00edmco zvl\u00e1\u0161tn\u00ed soud pro subsidiaritu by m\u011bl rozhodovat o kompeten\u010dn\u00edch sporech mezi \u010dlensk\u00fdmi st\u00e1ty a Uni\u00ed, p\u0159i\u010dem\u017e z\u00e1kladem by m\u011bla b\u00fdt z\u00e1sada subsidiarity.<\/p>\n<h3>Evropsk\u00e1 federace n\u00e1rodn\u00edch st\u00e1t\u016f<\/h3>\n<p>Kdy\u017e v roce 1957 vzniklo Evropsk\u00e9 hospod\u00e1\u0159sk\u00e9 spole\u010denstv\u00ed, jeho c\u00edlem bylo br\u00e1nit \u010dty\u0159i svobody, voln\u00fd pohyb zbo\u017e\u00ed, kapit\u00e1lu, slu\u017eeb a osob p\u0159es evropsk\u00e9 hranice, a t\u00edm sbl\u00ed\u017eit Evropany a sn\u00ed\u017eit pravd\u011bpodobnost konflikt\u016f a v\u00e1lek. Po n\u00e1sleduj\u00edc\u00edch t\u0159icet let tento c\u00edl obdivuhodn\u011b plnila. &#8222;Spole\u010dn\u00fd trh byl velmi \u00fasp\u011b\u0161n\u00fdm pokusem o odstran\u011bn\u00ed p\u0159ek\u00e1\u017eek obchodu a pohybu kapit\u00e1lu, kter\u00e9 vytvo\u0159ily n\u00e1rodn\u00ed vl\u00e1dy. Zv\u00fd\u0161il efektivitu i svobodu. Pos\u00edlen\u00edm konkurence nav\u00edc sn\u00ed\u017eil pot\u0159ebu st\u00e1tn\u00edch z\u00e1sah\u016f do ekonomiky,&#8220; napsal v\u00fdznamn\u00fd n\u011bmeck\u00fd ekonom Roland Vaubel ve sv\u00e9 pronikav\u00e9 knize &#8222;Vnit\u0159n\u00ed trh&#8220;.  <a href=\"https:\/\/iea.org.uk\/wp-content\/uploads\/2016\/07\/upldbook457pdf.pdf\">dokument<\/a> pro Anglick\u00fd institut pro ekonomick\u00e9 z\u00e1le\u017eitosti. V 90. letech 20. stolet\u00ed se v\u0161ak pozornost p\u0159esunula z ekonomick\u00e9 integrace na politickou neboli centralizaci. C\u00edlem ji\u017e nebyl spole\u010dn\u00fd trh, ale Spojen\u00e9 st\u00e1ty evropsk\u00e9. Ve sv\u00e9m projevu v Nik\u00f3sii jsem vyj\u00e1d\u0159il pochybnosti o vhodnosti tohoto v\u00fdvoje. Evropsk\u00e1 federace n\u00e1rodn\u00edch st\u00e1t\u016f byla lep\u0161\u00ed ne\u017e nov\u00e1 velmoc. Ur\u010ditou inspiraci pro takovou federaci bychom mo\u017en\u00e1 mohli hledat v \u00fazk\u00e9, ale spont\u00e1nn\u00ed spolupr\u00e1ci p\u011bti seversk\u00fdch zem\u00ed v r\u00e1mci Seversk\u00e9 rady i jinde, p\u0159i n\u00ed\u017e doch\u00e1z\u00ed k minim\u00e1ln\u00edmu vzd\u00e1n\u00ed se n\u00e1rodn\u00ed suverenity.<\/p>\n<\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Evropsk\u00fd den\u00edk: Nik\u00f3sie, b\u0159ezen 2024 Na ja\u0159e 1983 nav\u0161t\u00edvil Friedrich A. von Hayek skupinu student\u016f na Oxfordsk\u00e9 univerzit\u011b. Cht\u011bli zalo\u017eit Hayekovu spole\u010dnost, kter\u00e1 by diskutovala o konzervativn\u00edch a klasick\u00fdch liber\u00e1ln\u00edch my\u0161lenk\u00e1ch. Byl jsem jedn\u00edm z t\u011bchto student\u016f a v t\u00e9 dob\u011b jsem psal doktorskou pr\u00e1ci o Hayekov\u00fdch teori\u00edch. Hayek vyj\u00e1d\u0159il pot\u011b\u0161en\u00ed nad t\u00edm, \u017ee se [&hellip;]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":52,"featured_media":24534,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[181,158,258],"tags":[208,283,866,589,1028],"editorial-positions":[42],"regions":[344,356],"types":[449],"class_list":["post-24870","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-kultura-cs","category-politika","category-pravni","tag-cjeu","tag-european-commission","tag-free-markets","tag-freedom","tag-nationalism","editorial-positions-focus","regions-northern-europe-cs","regions-southern-europe-cs","types-opinion-cs"],"yoast_head":"<!-- This site is optimized with the Yoast SEO plugin v27.1.1 - https:\/\/yoast.com\/product\/yoast-seo-wordpress\/ -->\n<title>Pro\u010d se Einaudi m\u00fdlil v n\u00e1zoru na nacionalismus - The Conservative<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/www.theconservative.online\/cs\/proc-se-einaudi-mylil-v-nazoru-na-nacionalismus\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"cs_CZ\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Pro\u010d se Einaudi m\u00fdlil v n\u00e1zoru na nacionalismus - The Conservative\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Evropsk\u00fd den\u00edk: Nik\u00f3sie, b\u0159ezen 2024 Na ja\u0159e 1983 nav\u0161t\u00edvil Friedrich A. von Hayek skupinu student\u016f na Oxfordsk\u00e9 univerzit\u011b. Cht\u011bli zalo\u017eit Hayekovu spole\u010dnost, kter\u00e1 by diskutovala o konzervativn\u00edch a klasick\u00fdch liber\u00e1ln\u00edch my\u0161lenk\u00e1ch. Byl jsem jedn\u00edm z t\u011bchto student\u016f a v t\u00e9 dob\u011b jsem psal doktorskou pr\u00e1ci o Hayekov\u00fdch teori\u00edch. Hayek vyj\u00e1d\u0159il pot\u011b\u0161en\u00ed nad t\u00edm, \u017ee se [&hellip;]\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:url\" content=\"https:\/\/www.theconservative.online\/cs\/proc-se-einaudi-mylil-v-nazoru-na-nacionalismus\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:site_name\" content=\"The Conservative\" \/>\n<meta property=\"article:author\" content=\"https:\/\/www.facebook.com\/hannes.h.gissurarson\" \/>\n<meta property=\"article:published_time\" content=\"2024-04-12T20:02:28+00:00\" \/>\n<meta name=\"author\" content=\"Hannes Gissurarson\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:card\" content=\"summary_large_image\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:creator\" content=\"@GissurarsonH\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:label1\" content=\"Napsal(a)\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:data1\" content=\"Hannes Gissurarson\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:label2\" content=\"Odhadovan\u00e1 doba \u010dten\u00ed\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:data2\" content=\"14 minut\" \/>\n<script type=\"application\/ld+json\" class=\"yoast-schema-graph\">{\"@context\":\"https:\/\/schema.org\",\"@graph\":[{\"@type\":\"Article\",\"@id\":\"https:\/\/www.theconservative.online\/cs\/proc-se-einaudi-mylil-v-nazoru-na-nacionalismus#article\",\"isPartOf\":{\"@id\":\"https:\/\/www.theconservative.online\/cs\/proc-se-einaudi-mylil-v-nazoru-na-nacionalismus\"},\"author\":{\"name\":\"Hannes Gissurarson\",\"@id\":\"https:\/\/www.theconservative.online\/cs#\/schema\/person\/1ad87a8ad5264ccc45d5f06b3453edd4\"},\"headline\":\"Pro\u010d se Einaudi m\u00fdlil v n\u00e1zoru na nacionalismus\",\"datePublished\":\"2024-04-12T20:02:28+00:00\",\"mainEntityOfPage\":{\"@id\":\"https:\/\/www.theconservative.online\/cs\/proc-se-einaudi-mylil-v-nazoru-na-nacionalismus\"},\"wordCount\":2741,\"image\":{\"@id\":\"https:\/\/www.theconservative.online\/cs\/proc-se-einaudi-mylil-v-nazoru-na-nacionalismus#primaryimage\"},\"thumbnailUrl\":\"https:\/\/www.theconservative.online\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/04\/9.ChristianX.10.07.1920-scaled.jpg\",\"keywords\":[\"CJEU\",\"European Commission\",\"free markets\",\"freedom\",\"Nationalism\"],\"articleSection\":[\"Kultura\",\"Politika\",\"Pr\u00e1vn\u00ed\"],\"inLanguage\":\"cs\"},{\"@type\":\"WebPage\",\"@id\":\"https:\/\/www.theconservative.online\/cs\/proc-se-einaudi-mylil-v-nazoru-na-nacionalismus\",\"url\":\"https:\/\/www.theconservative.online\/cs\/proc-se-einaudi-mylil-v-nazoru-na-nacionalismus\",\"name\":\"Pro\u010d se Einaudi m\u00fdlil v n\u00e1zoru na nacionalismus - The Conservative\",\"isPartOf\":{\"@id\":\"https:\/\/www.theconservative.online\/cs#website\"},\"primaryImageOfPage\":{\"@id\":\"https:\/\/www.theconservative.online\/cs\/proc-se-einaudi-mylil-v-nazoru-na-nacionalismus#primaryimage\"},\"image\":{\"@id\":\"https:\/\/www.theconservative.online\/cs\/proc-se-einaudi-mylil-v-nazoru-na-nacionalismus#primaryimage\"},\"thumbnailUrl\":\"https:\/\/www.theconservative.online\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/04\/9.ChristianX.10.07.1920-scaled.jpg\",\"datePublished\":\"2024-04-12T20:02:28+00:00\",\"author\":{\"@id\":\"https:\/\/www.theconservative.online\/cs#\/schema\/person\/1ad87a8ad5264ccc45d5f06b3453edd4\"},\"breadcrumb\":{\"@id\":\"https:\/\/www.theconservative.online\/cs\/proc-se-einaudi-mylil-v-nazoru-na-nacionalismus#breadcrumb\"},\"inLanguage\":\"cs\",\"potentialAction\":[{\"@type\":\"ReadAction\",\"target\":[\"https:\/\/www.theconservative.online\/cs\/proc-se-einaudi-mylil-v-nazoru-na-nacionalismus\"]}]},{\"@type\":\"ImageObject\",\"inLanguage\":\"cs\",\"@id\":\"https:\/\/www.theconservative.online\/cs\/proc-se-einaudi-mylil-v-nazoru-na-nacionalismus#primaryimage\",\"url\":\"https:\/\/www.theconservative.online\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/04\/9.ChristianX.10.07.1920-scaled.jpg\",\"contentUrl\":\"https:\/\/www.theconservative.online\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/04\/9.ChristianX.10.07.1920-scaled.jpg\",\"width\":2560,\"height\":1683},{\"@type\":\"BreadcrumbList\",\"@id\":\"https:\/\/www.theconservative.online\/cs\/proc-se-einaudi-mylil-v-nazoru-na-nacionalismus#breadcrumb\",\"itemListElement\":[{\"@type\":\"ListItem\",\"position\":1,\"name\":\"Home\",\"item\":\"https:\/\/www.theconservative.online\/cs\"},{\"@type\":\"ListItem\",\"position\":2,\"name\":\"Pro\u010d se Einaudi m\u00fdlil v n\u00e1zoru na nacionalismus\"}]},{\"@type\":\"WebSite\",\"@id\":\"https:\/\/www.theconservative.online\/cs#website\",\"url\":\"https:\/\/www.theconservative.online\/cs\",\"name\":\"The Conservative\",\"description\":\"\",\"potentialAction\":[{\"@type\":\"SearchAction\",\"target\":{\"@type\":\"EntryPoint\",\"urlTemplate\":\"https:\/\/www.theconservative.online\/cs?s={search_term_string}\"},\"query-input\":{\"@type\":\"PropertyValueSpecification\",\"valueRequired\":true,\"valueName\":\"search_term_string\"}}],\"inLanguage\":\"cs\"},{\"@type\":\"Person\",\"@id\":\"https:\/\/www.theconservative.online\/cs#\/schema\/person\/1ad87a8ad5264ccc45d5f06b3453edd4\",\"name\":\"Hannes Gissurarson\",\"image\":{\"@type\":\"ImageObject\",\"inLanguage\":\"cs\",\"@id\":\"https:\/\/www.theconservative.online\/cs#\/schema\/person\/image\/\",\"url\":\"https:\/\/secure.gravatar.com\/avatar\/0df0c7b2d7737f05be07de287bfb50d5bcff1d1b9da9022bf916a76aab2fa6b2?s=96&d=mm&r=g\",\"contentUrl\":\"https:\/\/secure.gravatar.com\/avatar\/0df0c7b2d7737f05be07de287bfb50d5bcff1d1b9da9022bf916a76aab2fa6b2?s=96&d=mm&r=g\",\"caption\":\"Hannes Gissurarson\"},\"description\":\"Professor Emeritus of Politics at the University of Iceland.\",\"sameAs\":[\"https:\/\/www.facebook.com\/hannes.h.gissurarson\",\"https:\/\/www.instagram.com\/hannes1953\/\",\"https:\/\/www.linkedin.com\/in\/hannes-gissurarson-90485239\/\",\"https:\/\/x.com\/GissurarsonH\",\"https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/Hannes_Hlmsteinn_Gissurarson\"],\"url\":\"https:\/\/www.theconservative.online\/cs\/author\/hannes-euaff-2023-2024\"}]}<\/script>\n<!-- \/ Yoast SEO plugin. -->","yoast_head_json":{"title":"Pro\u010d se Einaudi m\u00fdlil v n\u00e1zoru na nacionalismus - The Conservative","robots":{"index":"index","follow":"follow","max-snippet":"max-snippet:-1","max-image-preview":"max-image-preview:large","max-video-preview":"max-video-preview:-1"},"canonical":"https:\/\/www.theconservative.online\/cs\/proc-se-einaudi-mylil-v-nazoru-na-nacionalismus","og_locale":"cs_CZ","og_type":"article","og_title":"Pro\u010d se Einaudi m\u00fdlil v n\u00e1zoru na nacionalismus - The Conservative","og_description":"Evropsk\u00fd den\u00edk: Nik\u00f3sie, b\u0159ezen 2024 Na ja\u0159e 1983 nav\u0161t\u00edvil Friedrich A. von Hayek skupinu student\u016f na Oxfordsk\u00e9 univerzit\u011b. Cht\u011bli zalo\u017eit Hayekovu spole\u010dnost, kter\u00e1 by diskutovala o konzervativn\u00edch a klasick\u00fdch liber\u00e1ln\u00edch my\u0161lenk\u00e1ch. Byl jsem jedn\u00edm z t\u011bchto student\u016f a v t\u00e9 dob\u011b jsem psal doktorskou pr\u00e1ci o Hayekov\u00fdch teori\u00edch. Hayek vyj\u00e1d\u0159il pot\u011b\u0161en\u00ed nad t\u00edm, \u017ee se [&hellip;]","og_url":"https:\/\/www.theconservative.online\/cs\/proc-se-einaudi-mylil-v-nazoru-na-nacionalismus","og_site_name":"The Conservative","article_author":"https:\/\/www.facebook.com\/hannes.h.gissurarson","article_published_time":"2024-04-12T20:02:28+00:00","author":"Hannes Gissurarson","twitter_card":"summary_large_image","twitter_creator":"@GissurarsonH","twitter_misc":{"Napsal(a)":"Hannes Gissurarson","Odhadovan\u00e1 doba \u010dten\u00ed":"14 minut"},"schema":{"@context":"https:\/\/schema.org","@graph":[{"@type":"Article","@id":"https:\/\/www.theconservative.online\/cs\/proc-se-einaudi-mylil-v-nazoru-na-nacionalismus#article","isPartOf":{"@id":"https:\/\/www.theconservative.online\/cs\/proc-se-einaudi-mylil-v-nazoru-na-nacionalismus"},"author":{"name":"Hannes Gissurarson","@id":"https:\/\/www.theconservative.online\/cs#\/schema\/person\/1ad87a8ad5264ccc45d5f06b3453edd4"},"headline":"Pro\u010d se Einaudi m\u00fdlil v n\u00e1zoru na nacionalismus","datePublished":"2024-04-12T20:02:28+00:00","mainEntityOfPage":{"@id":"https:\/\/www.theconservative.online\/cs\/proc-se-einaudi-mylil-v-nazoru-na-nacionalismus"},"wordCount":2741,"image":{"@id":"https:\/\/www.theconservative.online\/cs\/proc-se-einaudi-mylil-v-nazoru-na-nacionalismus#primaryimage"},"thumbnailUrl":"https:\/\/www.theconservative.online\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/04\/9.ChristianX.10.07.1920-scaled.jpg","keywords":["CJEU","European Commission","free markets","freedom","Nationalism"],"articleSection":["Kultura","Politika","Pr\u00e1vn\u00ed"],"inLanguage":"cs"},{"@type":"WebPage","@id":"https:\/\/www.theconservative.online\/cs\/proc-se-einaudi-mylil-v-nazoru-na-nacionalismus","url":"https:\/\/www.theconservative.online\/cs\/proc-se-einaudi-mylil-v-nazoru-na-nacionalismus","name":"Pro\u010d se Einaudi m\u00fdlil v n\u00e1zoru na nacionalismus - The Conservative","isPartOf":{"@id":"https:\/\/www.theconservative.online\/cs#website"},"primaryImageOfPage":{"@id":"https:\/\/www.theconservative.online\/cs\/proc-se-einaudi-mylil-v-nazoru-na-nacionalismus#primaryimage"},"image":{"@id":"https:\/\/www.theconservative.online\/cs\/proc-se-einaudi-mylil-v-nazoru-na-nacionalismus#primaryimage"},"thumbnailUrl":"https:\/\/www.theconservative.online\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/04\/9.ChristianX.10.07.1920-scaled.jpg","datePublished":"2024-04-12T20:02:28+00:00","author":{"@id":"https:\/\/www.theconservative.online\/cs#\/schema\/person\/1ad87a8ad5264ccc45d5f06b3453edd4"},"breadcrumb":{"@id":"https:\/\/www.theconservative.online\/cs\/proc-se-einaudi-mylil-v-nazoru-na-nacionalismus#breadcrumb"},"inLanguage":"cs","potentialAction":[{"@type":"ReadAction","target":["https:\/\/www.theconservative.online\/cs\/proc-se-einaudi-mylil-v-nazoru-na-nacionalismus"]}]},{"@type":"ImageObject","inLanguage":"cs","@id":"https:\/\/www.theconservative.online\/cs\/proc-se-einaudi-mylil-v-nazoru-na-nacionalismus#primaryimage","url":"https:\/\/www.theconservative.online\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/04\/9.ChristianX.10.07.1920-scaled.jpg","contentUrl":"https:\/\/www.theconservative.online\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/04\/9.ChristianX.10.07.1920-scaled.jpg","width":2560,"height":1683},{"@type":"BreadcrumbList","@id":"https:\/\/www.theconservative.online\/cs\/proc-se-einaudi-mylil-v-nazoru-na-nacionalismus#breadcrumb","itemListElement":[{"@type":"ListItem","position":1,"name":"Home","item":"https:\/\/www.theconservative.online\/cs"},{"@type":"ListItem","position":2,"name":"Pro\u010d se Einaudi m\u00fdlil v n\u00e1zoru na nacionalismus"}]},{"@type":"WebSite","@id":"https:\/\/www.theconservative.online\/cs#website","url":"https:\/\/www.theconservative.online\/cs","name":"The Conservative","description":"","potentialAction":[{"@type":"SearchAction","target":{"@type":"EntryPoint","urlTemplate":"https:\/\/www.theconservative.online\/cs?s={search_term_string}"},"query-input":{"@type":"PropertyValueSpecification","valueRequired":true,"valueName":"search_term_string"}}],"inLanguage":"cs"},{"@type":"Person","@id":"https:\/\/www.theconservative.online\/cs#\/schema\/person\/1ad87a8ad5264ccc45d5f06b3453edd4","name":"Hannes Gissurarson","image":{"@type":"ImageObject","inLanguage":"cs","@id":"https:\/\/www.theconservative.online\/cs#\/schema\/person\/image\/","url":"https:\/\/secure.gravatar.com\/avatar\/0df0c7b2d7737f05be07de287bfb50d5bcff1d1b9da9022bf916a76aab2fa6b2?s=96&d=mm&r=g","contentUrl":"https:\/\/secure.gravatar.com\/avatar\/0df0c7b2d7737f05be07de287bfb50d5bcff1d1b9da9022bf916a76aab2fa6b2?s=96&d=mm&r=g","caption":"Hannes Gissurarson"},"description":"Professor Emeritus of Politics at the University of Iceland.","sameAs":["https:\/\/www.facebook.com\/hannes.h.gissurarson","https:\/\/www.instagram.com\/hannes1953\/","https:\/\/www.linkedin.com\/in\/hannes-gissurarson-90485239\/","https:\/\/x.com\/GissurarsonH","https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/Hannes_Hlmsteinn_Gissurarson"],"url":"https:\/\/www.theconservative.online\/cs\/author\/hannes-euaff-2023-2024"}]}},"acf":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.theconservative.online\/cs\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/24870","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.theconservative.online\/cs\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.theconservative.online\/cs\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.theconservative.online\/cs\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/52"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.theconservative.online\/cs\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=24870"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/www.theconservative.online\/cs\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/24870\/revisions"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.theconservative.online\/cs\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/24534"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.theconservative.online\/cs\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=24870"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.theconservative.online\/cs\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=24870"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.theconservative.online\/cs\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=24870"},{"taxonomy":"editorial-positions","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.theconservative.online\/cs\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/editorial-positions?post=24870"},{"taxonomy":"regions","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.theconservative.online\/cs\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/regions?post=24870"},{"taxonomy":"types","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.theconservative.online\/cs\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types?post=24870"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}