Evropa po Orb\u00e1novi: Pro\u010d by politick\u00e1 zm\u011bna v Ma\u010farsku mohla zm\u011bnit definici roz\u0161\u00ed\u0159en\u00ed EU?<\/li><\/a><\/ul><\/div>\nP\u0159esto se za touto jasnou hranic\u00ed za\u010d\u00ednaj\u00ed objevovat pochybnosti – ne o podpo\u0159e samotn\u00e9, ale o sm\u011bru, kter\u00fdm se Evropsk\u00e1 unie ub\u00edr\u00e1.<\/p>\n
Debata o p\u0159istoupen\u00ed Ukrajiny k EU toto nap\u011bt\u00ed vystihuje. P\u0159istoupen\u00ed je st\u00e1le \u010dast\u011bji vykreslov\u00e1no jako p\u0159irozen\u00e9 a mor\u00e1ln\u011b nezbytn\u00e9 roz\u0161\u00ed\u0159en\u00ed solidarity. Pokud Ukrajina bojuje za Evropu, zn\u00ed argument, pak Evropa mus\u00ed Ukrajinu nezvratn\u011b p\u0159ipoutat ke sv\u00e9mu institucion\u00e1ln\u00edmu j\u00e1dru. V p\u0159ekvapiv\u00e9m obratu ud\u00e1lost\u00ed se zd\u00e1, \u017ee Ukrajina bojuje jm\u00e9nem Evropy, m\u00edsto aby \u017e\u00e1dala Evropu, aby bojovala m\u00edsto n\u00ed. Takov\u00e1 byla r\u00e9torika Zelensk\u00e9ho v posledn\u00edch n\u011bkolika letech a tak ji formuloval i ve sv\u00e9m projevu v Evropsk\u00e9m parlamentu 24. \u00fanora 2026. V tomto projevu Zelenski vyzval vedouc\u00ed p\u0159edstavitele EU, aby Ukrajin\u011b poskytli „jasn\u00e9 datum vstupu“ do Unie. R\u00e1mcov\u00e1n\u00ed roz\u0161\u00ed\u0159en\u00ed jako sou\u010d\u00e1st diplomatick\u00e9 architektury nezbytn\u00e9 k ukon\u010den\u00ed v\u00e1lky <\/p>\n
P\u0159istoupen\u00ed v\u0161ak nen\u00ed symbolem. Je to struktur\u00e1ln\u00ed prom\u011bna Unie. Zm\u011bn\u00ed rozpo\u010dtov\u00e9 rovnov\u00e1hy na desetilet\u00ed. Zm\u011bnilo by politiku soudr\u017enosti a financov\u00e1n\u00ed zem\u011bd\u011blstv\u00ed. Zm\u011bnilo by v\u00e1hu hlas\u016f a politickou dynamiku v Rad\u011b. A co je nejd\u016fle\u017eit\u011bj\u0161\u00ed, institucion\u00e1ln\u00ed budoucnost EU by byla nep\u0159\u00edmo spjata s nevy\u0159e\u0161en\u00fdm \u00fazemn\u00edm konfliktem. <\/p>\n
Evropsk\u00e1 unie se ve sv\u00e9 historii mnohokr\u00e1t roz\u0161i\u0159ovala. Nikdy se neroz\u0161\u00ed\u0159ila do \u017eiv\u00e9 v\u00e1lky. Podpora Ukrajiny v jej\u00ed obran\u011b je jedna v\u011bc. Za\u010dlen\u011bn\u00ed zem\u011b ve v\u00e1lce do \u00fastavn\u00ed struktury Unie je n\u011bco zcela jin\u00e9ho. Navzdory dob\u0159e p\u0159ipraven\u00e9 r\u00e9torice Zelensk\u00e9ho nelze tyto dv\u011b v\u011bci zam\u011b\u0148ovat. <\/p>\n
Skute\u010dnost, \u017ee v\u00e1lka trv\u00e1 ji\u017e \u010dtvrt\u00fdm rokem, by m\u011bla Evropu p\u0159im\u011bt nejen k tomu, aby pokra\u010dovala v poskytov\u00e1n\u00ed pomoci, jej\u00ed\u017e rozsah a slo\u017een\u00ed z\u016fst\u00e1vaj\u00ed politicky sporn\u00e9, i kdy\u017e \u010d\u00edsla, jako je navrhovan\u00fd bal\u00edk 90 miliard eur, nazna\u010duj\u00ed, \u017ee by m\u011bl pokr\u00fdt zhruba dv\u011b t\u0159etiny p\u0159edpokl\u00e1dan\u00fdch finan\u010dn\u00edch pot\u0159eb Ukrajiny, ale aby se mnohem v\u00e1\u017en\u011bji zamyslela nad sv\u00fdm dlouhodob\u00fdm strategick\u00fdm sm\u011b\u0159ov\u00e1n\u00edm.<\/p>\n
Takto dlouh\u00fd konflikt, kter\u00fd se odehr\u00e1v\u00e1 na evropsk\u00e9 p\u016fd\u011b, nelze pova\u017eovat za do\u010dasnou mimo\u0159\u00e1dnou ud\u00e1lost. P\u0159etv\u00e1\u0159\u00ed bezpe\u010dnostn\u00ed psychologii kontinentu. P\u0159esto se tak d\u011bje nerovnom\u011brn\u011b. <\/p>\n
Pro Polsko, pobaltsk\u00e9 st\u00e1ty a Rumunsko nen\u00ed v\u00e1lka vzd\u00e1len\u00fdm geopolitick\u00fdm dramatem. Je to bl\u00edzk\u00e1 a hmatateln\u00e1 hrozba. P\u0159es jejich \u00fazem\u00ed se pohybuje vojensk\u00e1 logistika. P\u0159\u00edliv uprchl\u00edk\u016f je bezprost\u0159edn\u00ed. O sc\u00e9n\u00e1\u0159\u00edch eskalace se nediskutuje na akademick\u00fdch semin\u00e1\u0159\u00edch, ale na ministerstvech obrany. Ob\u010dan\u00e9 v t\u011bchto \u010dlensk\u00fdch st\u00e1tech na front\u011b nepro\u017e\u00edvaj\u00ed konflikt abstraktn\u011b, ale jako bl\u00edzkost. Pocit zranitelnosti je skute\u010dn\u00fd a vypl\u00fdv\u00e1 z n\u011bj jejich nal\u00e9h\u00e1n\u00ed na pevnost, rychlost a strategickou jasnost. <\/p>\n
Naproti tomu pro zem\u011b, jako je It\u00e1lie, \u0160pan\u011blsko, Portugalsko nebo Irsko, je v\u00e1lka – a\u010dkoli je mor\u00e1ln\u011b v\u00fdznamn\u00e1 a m\u00e1 politick\u00e9 d\u016fsledky – geograficky a psychologicky vzd\u00e1len\u011bj\u0161\u00ed. Vn\u00edm\u00e1n\u00ed hrozeb je filtrov\u00e1no sp\u00ed\u0161e prost\u0159ednictv\u00edm cen energi\u00ed, rozpo\u010dtov\u00fdch tlak\u016f a dom\u00e1c\u00edch politick\u00fdch debat ne\u017e p\u0159\u00edm\u00fdmi obavami o hranice. Ve\u0159ejn\u00e9 m\u00edn\u011bn\u00ed v t\u011bchto st\u00e1tech \u010dasto odr\u00e1\u017e\u00ed odli\u0161nou kalibraci mezi solidaritou a rizikem, mezi vytrvalost\u00ed a vyjedn\u00e1v\u00e1n\u00edm. <\/p>\n
Tato rozd\u00edlnost m\u016f\u017ee v\u00e9st k nejednotnosti, jak vid\u00edme v p\u0159\u00edpad\u011b ma\u010farsk\u00e9 pozice. A tak\u00e9 ukazuje, \u017ee evropsk\u00e1 soudr\u017enost se op\u00edr\u00e1 o odli\u0161n\u00e9 strategick\u00e9 intuice. To, co se zd\u00e1 existen\u010dn\u00ed ve Var\u0161av\u011b, m\u016f\u017ee b\u00fdt v Lisabonu podm\u00edn\u011bn\u00e9. To, co se zd\u00e1 nal\u00e9hav\u00e9 v Tallinnu, se m\u016f\u017ee zd\u00e1t vyjednan\u00e9 v Madridu. <\/p>\n
Pr\u00e1v\u011b kv\u016fli t\u00e9to vnit\u0159n\u00ed asymetrii se Evropsk\u00e1 unie nem\u016f\u017ee omezit pouze na financov\u00e1n\u00ed odporu. Pokud je c\u00edlem skute\u010dn\u011b udr\u017eet Ukrajinu, m\u011bla by se EU krom\u011b vojensk\u00e9 pomoci (nebo mo\u017en\u00e1 i mimo ni) zab\u00fdvat vedouc\u00ed \u00falohou p\u0159i utv\u00e1\u0159en\u00ed diplomatick\u00e9 architektury d\u016fv\u011bryhodn\u00e9ho m\u00edrov\u00e9ho \u0159e\u0161en\u00ed. V\u00e1lka, kter\u00e1 se odehr\u00e1v\u00e1 na evropsk\u00e9 p\u016fd\u011b, nem\u016f\u017ee m\u00edt sv\u00e9 politick\u00e9 \u0159e\u0161en\u00ed navr\u017eeno jinde. <\/p>\n
Spojen\u00e9 st\u00e1ty jsou i nad\u00e1le nepostradateln\u00e9. NATO z\u016fst\u00e1v\u00e1 \u00fast\u0159edn\u00edm prvkem odstra\u0161en\u00ed. EU v\u0161ak nem\u016f\u017ee donekone\u010dna p\u0159enech\u00e1vat strategickou koncovku v\u00e1lky, kter\u00e1 nov\u011b definuje jej\u00ed vlastn\u00ed bezpe\u010dnostn\u00ed prost\u0159ed\u00ed. P\u0159eklenut\u00ed rozd\u00edlu mezi nal\u00e9havost\u00ed v prvn\u00ed linii a odstupem od periferie vy\u017eaduje nejen pen\u00edze, ale i veden\u00ed – veden\u00ed schopn\u00e9 sladit rozd\u00edln\u00e9 vn\u00edm\u00e1n\u00ed hrozeb do soudr\u017en\u00e9 kontinent\u00e1ln\u00ed strategie. Pokud je konflikt evropsk\u00fd z hlediska geografie a d\u016fsledk\u016f, mus\u00ed b\u00fdt jeho kone\u010dn\u00e9 \u0159e\u0161en\u00ed tak\u00e9 evropsk\u00e9 z hlediska designu. <\/p>\n
J\u00e1drem sou\u010dasn\u00e9 debaty je paradox. Unie byla koncipov\u00e1na jako m\u00edrov\u00fd projekt, zalo\u017een\u00fd na vz\u00e1jemn\u00e9 hospod\u00e1\u0159sk\u00e9 z\u00e1vislosti a institucion\u00e1ln\u00ed integraci jako prost\u0159edku proti v\u00e1lce. Dnes se v\u0161ak vyv\u00edj\u00ed v geopolitick\u00e9ho akt\u00e9ra, kter\u00fd financuje vojenskou odolnost v neb\u00fdval\u00e9m m\u011b\u0159\u00edtku. Od roku 2022 byly v r\u016fzn\u00fdch form\u00e1ch podpory mobilizov\u00e1ny stovky miliard eur. <\/p>\n
Tato transformace m\u016f\u017ee b\u00fdt nezbytn\u00e1. Zat\u00edm v\u0161ak nebyla dostate\u010dn\u011b politicky zpracov\u00e1na. Ne na stran\u011b nab\u00eddky politiky a je\u0161t\u011b m\u00e9n\u011b na stran\u011b popt\u00e1vky. Jsou si evrop\u0161t\u00ed ob\u010dan\u00e9 pln\u011b v\u011bdomi, \u017ee Unie proch\u00e1z\u00ed tak hlubokou redefinic\u00ed? Jsou p\u0159ipraveni na evropsk\u00fd projekt, kter\u00fd je st\u00e1le v\u00edce prov\u00e1z\u00e1n s dlouhodob\u00fdmi bezpe\u010dnostn\u00edmi z\u00e1vazky a obrannou koordinac\u00ed? Tyto ot\u00e1zky nejsou v\u00fdrazem nep\u0159\u00e1telstv\u00ed v\u016f\u010di Ukrajin\u011b. Jsou v\u00fdrazem demokratick\u00e9 odpov\u011bdnosti. <\/p>\n
V Evrop\u011b jsou hlasy, kter\u00e9 vyz\u00fdvaj\u00ed k opatrnosti p\u0159i p\u0159istoupen\u00ed, n\u011bkdy vykreslov\u00e1ny jako v\u00e1hav\u00e9 nebo nedostate\u010dn\u011b odhodlan\u00e9. Takov\u00e9 hodnocen\u00ed je myln\u00e9. Lze se rozhodn\u011b postavit proti rusk\u00e9mu expanzionismu a z\u00e1rove\u0148 se pt\u00e1t, zda je v\u00e1le\u010dn\u00e9 roz\u0161\u00ed\u0159en\u00ed rozumn\u00e9. Suverenita nen\u00ed odm\u00edtnut\u00edm solidarity; je podm\u00ednkou, kter\u00e1 umo\u017e\u0148uje, aby solidarita p\u0159etrvala. <\/p>\n
Vl\u00e1dy, kter\u00e9 nedok\u00e1\u017eou jasn\u011b formulovat hranice sv\u00fdch z\u00e1vazk\u016f, riskuj\u00ed, \u017ee oslab\u00ed dom\u00e1c\u00ed legitimitu, na n\u00ed\u017e tyto z\u00e1vazky v kone\u010dn\u00e9m d\u016fsledku z\u00e1vis\u00ed. Politick\u00fd kapit\u00e1l nen\u00ed nekone\u010dn\u00fd. Souhlas ve\u0159ejnosti nelze p\u0159edpokl\u00e1dat donekone\u010dna v prost\u0159ed\u00ed dlouhotrvaj\u00edc\u00ed v\u00e1lky poznamenan\u00e9 inflac\u00ed, energetick\u00fdmi tlaky, demografick\u00fdm tlakem a soci\u00e1ln\u00ed \u00fanavou. <\/p>\n
Institucion\u00e1ln\u00ed ot\u00e1zky spojen\u00e9 s p\u0159istoupen\u00edm z\u016fst\u00e1vaj\u00ed nevy\u0159e\u0161eny. Vztahovalo by se \u010dlenstv\u00ed pouze na \u00fazem\u00ed, kter\u00e1 jsou v sou\u010dasnosti pod kontrolou Kyjeva? Zav\u00e1zala by se Unie implicitn\u011b k navr\u00e1cen\u00ed v\u0161ech mezin\u00e1rodn\u011b uznan\u00fdch ukrajinsk\u00fdch \u00fazem\u00ed? Jak by byly financov\u00e1ny n\u00e1klady na obnovu a za\u010dlen\u011bn\u00ed do r\u00e1mce soudr\u017enosti a zem\u011bd\u011blstv\u00ed, ani\u017e by to vyvolalo nap\u011bt\u00ed v rozd\u011blov\u00e1n\u00ed mezi \u010dlensk\u00fdmi st\u00e1ty? To nejsou procedur\u00e1ln\u00ed technick\u00e9 ot\u00e1zky. Jedn\u00e1 se o z\u00e1kladn\u00ed rozhodnut\u00ed, kter\u00e1 by utv\u00e1\u0159ela Unii po cel\u00e9 generace. <\/p>\n
Historie nab\u00edz\u00ed st\u0159\u00edzliv\u00e9 pou\u010den\u00ed o politick\u00fdch subjektech, jejich\u017e vn\u011bj\u0161\u00ed ambice p\u0159ed\u010d\u00ed jejich vnit\u0159n\u00ed soudr\u017enost. P\u0159ekra\u010dov\u00e1n\u00ed pravomoc\u00ed \u010dasto za\u010d\u00edn\u00e1 mor\u00e1ln\u00edm p\u0159esv\u011bd\u010den\u00edm a geopolitickou nal\u00e9havost\u00ed. Z\u0159\u00eddkakdy se ohla\u0161uje jako exces. Instituce v\u0161ak vydr\u017e\u00ed jen tehdy, kdy\u017e ambice z\u016fst\u00e1vaj\u00ed v souladu s kapacitou. <\/p>\n
Po \u010dty\u0159ech letech v\u00e1lky stoj\u00ed Evropa na k\u0159ehk\u00e9 k\u0159i\u017eovatce. Ot\u00e1zka nezn\u00ed, zda podpo\u0159it Ukrajinu. To z\u016fst\u00e1v\u00e1 jasn\u00e9. Ot\u00e1zkou je, zda t\u00edm Evropsk\u00e1 unie neriskuje, \u017ee se bude nov\u011b definovat zp\u016fsobem, kter\u00fd nebyl dostate\u010dn\u011b prodiskutov\u00e1n a demokraticky ukotven. <\/p>\n
Nen\u00ed rozpor mezi podporou Ukrajiny a nal\u00e9h\u00e1n\u00edm na obez\u0159etnost v ot\u00e1zce p\u0159istoupen\u00ed. Zachov\u00e1n\u00ed dlouhodob\u00e9 soudr\u017enosti Unie m\u016f\u017ee b\u00fdt nejlep\u0161\u00ed z\u00e1rukou toho, \u017ee evropsk\u00e1 solidarita z\u016fstane d\u016fv\u011bryhodn\u00e1 a udr\u017eiteln\u00e1. <\/p>\n
Chce-li Evropa prok\u00e1zat jednotu, mus\u00ed zajistit, aby se tato jednota neop\u00edrala pouze o mor\u00e1ln\u00ed pohnutky, ale tak\u00e9 o strategickou jasnost, mezin\u00e1rodn\u00ed realismus a v\u00e1\u017en\u00e9 odhodl\u00e1n\u00ed k vytvo\u0159en\u00ed trval\u00e9ho m\u00edru.<\/p>\n
Pravdou toti\u017e je, \u017ee v\u00e1lka je zkou\u0161kou odolnosti Ukrajiny a tak\u00e9 zkou\u0161kou schopnosti Evropy spojit p\u0159esv\u011bd\u010den\u00ed se zdr\u017eenlivost\u00ed. A tato rovnov\u00e1ha m\u016f\u017ee nakonec rozhodnout o budoucnosti samotn\u00e9ho evropsk\u00e9ho projektu. <\/p>\n<\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"
Po \u010dty\u0159ech letech od rusk\u00e9 invaze na Ukrajinu se Evropa nach\u00e1z\u00ed v nep\u0159\u00edjemn\u00e9m, ale nezbytn\u00e9m okam\u017eiku introspekce. Po\u010d\u00e1te\u010dn\u00ed jasnost roku 2022 – mor\u00e1ln\u00ed rozho\u0159\u010den\u00ed, strategick\u00e9 p\u0159izp\u016fsoben\u00ed, rychl\u00e1 mobilizace – ustoupila slo\u017eit\u011bj\u0161\u00edmu prost\u0159ed\u00ed, v n\u011bm\u017e se st\u0159et\u00e1vaj\u00ed solidarita, suverenita, bezpe\u010dnost a institucion\u00e1ln\u00ed obez\u0159etnost. Na jedn\u00e9 stran\u011b z\u016fst\u00e1v\u00e1 mnoho politick\u00fdch rodin na cel\u00e9m kontinentu pevn\u00fdch: Ukrajina mus\u00ed […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":76,"featured_media":51143,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[2059,1325],"tags":[268,214,213,601,487],"editorial-positions":[],"regions":[328,339,404],"types":[415,449],"class_list":["post-51525","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-svet","category-ukrajinska-valka-nase-demokracie-v-ohrozeni","tag-europe","tag-russia","tag-ukraine","tag-volodimir-zelenski","tag-war","regions-central-europe-cs","regions-eastern-europe-cs","regions-world-cs","types-news-cs","types-opinion-cs"],"yoast_head":"\n
Roz\u0161\u00ed\u0159en\u00ed pod palbou: ukrajinsk\u00e9 dilema Evropy po \u010dty\u0159ech letech v\u00e1lky - The Conservative<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/www.theconservative.online\/cs\/rozsireni-pod-palbou-ukrajinske-dilema-evropy-po-ctyrech-letech-valky\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"cs_CZ\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Roz\u0161\u00ed\u0159en\u00ed pod palbou: ukrajinsk\u00e9 dilema Evropy po \u010dty\u0159ech letech v\u00e1lky - The Conservative\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Po \u010dty\u0159ech letech od rusk\u00e9 invaze na Ukrajinu se Evropa nach\u00e1z\u00ed v nep\u0159\u00edjemn\u00e9m, ale nezbytn\u00e9m okam\u017eiku introspekce. 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