Tip 4<\/strong> : Sve ostale \u0161tetne radnje, kao \u0161to su rezanje, spaljivanje, bu\u0161enje i kauterizacija.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/div>\nGotovo je neshvatljivo razmi\u0161ljati o tome da se prakse saka\u0107enja \u017eenskih genitalija, kako su gore klasificirane, u ve\u0107ini slu\u010dajeva provode na mladim djevojkama i bebama izme\u0111u djetinjstva i dobi od 15 godina koje uglavnom \u017eive ili potje\u010du s afri\u010dkog kontinenta ili \u0161ireg Bliskog istoka. Razmjeri te prakse su nevjerojatni, s pouzdanim procjenama WHO-a koji sugeriraju da je izme\u0111u 100 milijuna i 140 milijuna djevoj\u010dica i \u017eena bilo podvrgnuto nekom obliku saka\u0107enja \u017eena, a dodatnih 3 milijuna djevoj\u010dica je u opasnosti svake godine. To je, isti\u010du iz WHO-a, jednako broju od 6000 \u017eena i djevojaka koje se dnevno podvrgnu saka\u0107enju \u017eenskih spolnih organizama u svijetu.
\n Svijest o ra\u0161irenosti prakse i broju djece i \u017eena koji \u017eive s posljedicama saka\u0107enja \u017eena treba dobrodo\u0161li, iako u nepotpunom stupnju probiti se do svijesti zapadnog svijeta. To je barem zbog odr\u017eivih obrazovnih kampanja koje su uslijedile nakon eksponencijalnog rasta globalnih stopa useljavanja i prisutnosti zajednica dijaspore iz Afrike i Bliskog istoka koje \u017eive u zemljama i teritorijima kao \u0161to su Sjedinjene Dr\u017eave, Europa i Australija. Tako\u0111er je potpomognuto \u010desto vrlo javnim sukobima koji su se stvarali kada su poku\u0161aji obrane prakse na temelju prava ili vjerskih ili kulturnih razloga nai\u0161li na zapadnu pravnu i medicinsku tradiciju koja je povijesno smatrala da je saka\u0107enje \u017eena anatema i neobranjivo. Irska je jedna od takvih dr\u017eava koja poku\u0161ava primjereno i humano odgovoriti na probleme koje predstavlja saka\u0107enje \u017eena. Na me\u0111unarodnoj razini Irska je ratificirala razne me\u0111unarodne konvencije koje osu\u0111uju saka\u0107enje \u017eena, uklju\u010duju\u0107i Op\u0107u deklaraciju o ljudskim pravima (UDHR) i Konvenciju o uklanjanju svih oblika diskriminacije \u017eena (CEDAW). Na doma\u0107oj razini klju\u010dni doga\u0111aj je objavljivanje irskog Nacionalnog akcijskog plana za rje\u0161avanje problema saka\u0107enja \u017eena u studenom 2008. koji je objavljen u suradnji s 15 drugih europskih zemalja.
\n Akcijskim planom identificirano je pet strate\u0161kih naslova kao bitne komponente svakog poku\u0161aja rje\u0161avanja problema saka\u0107enja \u017eenskih spolnih \u017eena u Irskoj. Ovi naslovi su pravni, azil, zdravstvena pomo\u0107, pomo\u0107 zajednici i razvoj.
\n Prvi izri\u010dito pravni poku\u0161aj koji je proiza\u0161ao iz ovog procesa bio je irski Zakon o kaznenom pravosu\u0111u (saka\u0107enje \u017eenskih genitalija) iz 2012., koji je prvobitno uveden u lipnju 2011. Zakon ne samo da je kriminalizirao \u010din genitalnog saka\u0107enja \u017eena, ve\u0107 je tako\u0111er predvidio kazneno djelo poku\u0161aja u\u010diniti \u010din \u017eenskog genitalnog saka\u0107enja. Zakon tako\u0111er sadr\u017ei odredbe koje se odnose na pomaganje, poticanje, savjetovanje, urotu ili nabavljanje po\u010dinjenja genitalnog saka\u0107enja \u017eena. Ovo je omogu\u0107ilo zna\u010dajnu pravnu jasno\u0107u postoje\u0107im, ali ina\u010de \u0161irokim pravnim zabranama nagovaranja po\u010dinjenja kaznenog djela za koje se tereti tjelesna ozljeda kao \u0161to je saka\u0107enje i uklanjanje organa ili tjelesnog tkiva. Prema ovom Zakonu tako\u0111er je kazneno djelo ako netko s prebivali\u0161tem u Irskoj odvede djevojku u drugu zemlju na saka\u0107enje \u017eenskih spolnih organa. Kazne prema Zakonu su do 14 godina zatvora i\/ili nov\u010dana kazna od 10.000 eura. Kad se sudi prema primjedbama tada\u0161njeg ministra zdravstva dr. Jamesa Reillyja kada je prvi put predstavio Zakon – da \u0107e omogu\u0107iti neospornu pravnu jasno\u0107u – Zakon je bio uspje\u0161an.<\/p>\n
However, the overall picture that emerges when viewed against the Minister\u2019s further remarks, that the legislation was \u201cthe first step in ensuring the practice will not take hold in Ireland,\u201d is less favourable.
\nThis is despite the fact that, as we have seen above, the Act was part of a broader willingness of Irish Governments to create awareness around FGM and its commendable adoption of a zero-tolerance approach to its practice. Ireland would go on approach the health strategy heading of the 2008 Action Plan through the country\u2019s national strategies on domestic sexual and gender-based violence (DSGBV). The Irish Health Service Executive (HSE) is also currently undertaking a mapping exercise of its services with a view to identifying gaps in the provision of supports to victims and survivors of FGM. This is extremely important as it is unquestionably the case that there is a growing demand for such services in Ireland. We can see evidence of this in an Irish Times report from November 2024 where it emerged that a service to help women affected by female genital mutilation increased more than 300 per cent over two years. The Report was published by Ireland\u2019s Irish Family Planning Association. It estimated that at least 10,000 women and girls living in Ireland have experienced FGM. It also reported that its appointment levels for FGM related supports increased by 338 per cent in 2023.
\nThe Association\u2019s medical director Caitriona Henchion confirmed that the number of people being treated was \u201coriginally small\u201d but from 2020\/2021 migration from \u201chigh-incidence countries increased so demand has hugely gone up\u201d. In the context of migration from high incidence countries, it is worth observing that Section 7(2)(f) of Ireland\u2019s International Protection Act 2015 provides that \u201cacts of a gender-specific or child specific nature\u201d are examples of acts which may amount to persecution. As such, Ireland\u2019s International Protection Office (IPO) considers that FGM is persecutory in nature as it \u201cviolates a series of well-established human rights principles, including the principles of equality and non-discrimination on the basis of sex, the right to life when the procedure results in death, and the right to freedom from torture or cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment, as well as the rights of the child.\u201d In conclusion we can say that as Ireland continues to experience an unprecedented wave of inward migration from the countries including those within the African continent and the Middle East, the demand for FGM related services will continue to dramatically increase. This places extraordinary pressure on Ireland\u2019s health and community service due to the complex cultural sensitivities that often arise. Hopes for a reduction in the number of children and women presenting may be overly optimistic due to the clear recognition in the research literature of the pervasiveness and stubbornness of the practice and its resistance to elimination. UNICEF has itself warned that female genital mutilation is again on the rise among Nigerian girls aged 0-14 with rates risen from 16.9 per cent in 2013 to a recent high of 19.2 per cent. There will also be significant challenges for Ireland\u2019s police force, An Garda S\u00edoch\u00e1na although it has recently launched an initiative called Operation Limelight to provide information to passengers travelling to and from Ireland which explains what FGM is, and people what they can do if they are worried that a girl may be at risk of FGM.<\/p>\n
To date Ireland\u2019s approach to FGM has been exemplary but this needs to be matched by a higher rate of criminal convictions and the allocation of targeted resources to bring this about. It is alarming to observe that although FGM was criminalised in 2012 the first conviction for FGM in Ireland only occurred in 2020. The case involved a married couple who performed FGM on their one-year-old daughter in 2016. The sheer horror of this case lends the need for such an approach a clear moral and social imperative.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"
Standardna definicija koja se primjenjuje na genitalno saka\u0107enje \u017eena (FGM) jest da je to praksa koja uklju\u010duje djelomi\u010dno ili potpuno uklanjanje vanjskih \u017eenskih spolnih organa ili spolnih organa iz nemedicinskih razloga. Iako ova vrsta kratko\u0107e definicije svakako ima svoje mjesto, bilo bi mudro ne prihvatiti je izoliranu ili bez dosljednog upu\u0107ivanja na dodatne klasifikacije koje […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":51,"featured_media":38611,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[255],"tags":[],"editorial-positions":[],"regions":[],"types":[],"class_list":["post-38691","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-pravno"],"yoast_head":"\n
Dramati\u010dan porast genitalnog saka\u0107enja \u017eena u Irskoj - The Conservative<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/www.theconservative.online\/hr\/dramatican-porast-genitalnog-sakacenja-zena-u-irskoj\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"hr_HR\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Dramati\u010dan porast genitalnog saka\u0107enja \u017eena u Irskoj - The Conservative\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Standardna definicija koja se primjenjuje na genitalno saka\u0107enje \u017eena (FGM) jest da je to praksa koja uklju\u010duje djelomi\u010dno ili potpuno uklanjanje vanjskih \u017eenskih spolnih organa ili spolnih organa iz nemedicinskih razloga. 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