pro\u0161losti<\/em> Europe.<\/p>\nKoliko ja znam, ovo je prvi u\u010denjak koji je iznio tako privla\u010dan prijedlog; pa se \u010dini korisnim zadubiti se u njegove argumente i ponuditi neki komentar kada je to potrebno.<\/p>\n
Njegov govor po\u010dinje prili\u010dno jasnom \u010dinjenicom. Osnivanje Unije nakon Drugog svjetskog rata temelji se na mitu.<\/p>\n
O\u010dito je da su Europa i njezini narodi mnogo stariji od jedva pedesetak godina. Ne tako davno, \u0161panjolska kr\u0161\u0107ansko-demokratska politi\u010darka Esperanza Aguirre tvrdila je da je nacija Isabelle i Cervantesa ste\u010dena 1812. godine, kada je donesen prvi liberalni ustav. Vrlo malo njih se slo\u017eilo s takvom izjavom, budu\u0107i da se \u010dini da gospo\u0111a Aguirre ignorira da se kralj Reccared obratio na kr\u0161\u0107anstvo u \u0161estom stolje\u0107u, tijekom tre\u0107eg sabora u Toledu.<\/p>\n
Isto vrijedi i za mnoge druge europske narode. Stoga je Europska unija doista utemeljena na mitu, jer jednostavno ne odgovara stvarnosti da je Europa svoj povijesni put zapo\u010dela tijekom dvadesetog stolje\u0107a.<\/p>\n
Ni kao unija, jer je srednji vijek svjedo\u010dio dru\u0161tvu kojim su na kontinentu vladali i car, na civilnoj razini, i papa, na duhovnoj razini. Ova situacija trajala je stolje\u0107ima, mnogo prije nego \u0161to je lansiran temeljni mit o Europskoj uniji.<\/p>\n
Mutatis mutandis, mogla bi se napraviti analogija s drugim mitom, o utemeljenju ljudskih prava, tako\u0111er nakon Drugog svjetskog rata. I kr\u0161\u0107ani i sekularisti koji brane takav moderni koncept prava slo\u017eili su se oko izrade nacrta povelje koja ih opisuje, iako se nisu slagali oko svoje vizije zakona i reda.<\/p>\n
G. Arroyo citira autora, Benedicta Andersona, kako bi podr\u017eao problem da je Unija samo mit. Prema profesoru Andersonu, Unija je mit jer su nacije mit, jer su imaginarne.<\/p>\n
Ovdje se ne mogu slo\u017eiti s irskim akademikom. Osim ako se ne brani materijalisti\u010dki pogled na stvari, gdje postoji samo materija, a sve ostalo je imaginarno, \u010dini se evidentnim da nacije nisu imaginarne. U suprotnom, treba tvrditi da je obitelj tako\u0111er imaginarna, da je i Bog imaginaran, ili da su sveu\u010dili\u0161te ili trgova\u010dko poduze\u0107e imaginarni izvan svojih pojedina\u010dnih profesora i studenata, ili menad\u017eera i zaposlenika.<\/p>\n
Ovo je stara srednjovjekovna rasprava uzrokovana nominalizmom. Prema Ockhamu i drugim franjevcima koji su utjecali na modernu misao, stvarnost je ograni\u010dena na pojedina\u010dne \u010destice, za razliku od aristotelovskih i tomisti\u010dkih dominikanaca (i kasnije isusovaca), koji su prihvatili koncept univerzalija ili stvarnosti koje grupiraju nekoliko pojedinaca, postojale materijalno ili ne.<\/p>\n
Me\u0111utim, \u010dak i ako su stare i nove nacije stvarno postojale i postoje danas, istina je da je njihov koncept na kontinentu pretrpio transformaciju tijekom \u0161esnaestog stolje\u0107a, gdje je njihov identitet kao zajednica podre\u0111enih i Carstvu i Papinstvu progresivno zamijenjen autonomnim entiteti me\u0111usobno suprotstavljeni u kompliciranoj ravnote\u017ei mo\u0107i.<\/p>\n
\u0160panjolski kralj poput Alphonsea X. od Kastilje mogao bi te\u017eiti da vlada Carstvom u klasi\u010dnom srednjovjekovnom svijetu i takvu bi situaciju potencijalno mogle prihvatiti druge stare<\/em> nacije. Sli\u010dno tome, talijanski redovnik kao \u0161to je Toma Akvinski mogao je potpuno opu\u0161teno pou\u010davati u Parizu. Pojam op\u0107eg dobra vladao je europskim prostorom.<\/p>\nMe\u0111utim, nakon Vestfalskog mira 1648. godine, gdje je na\u010delo modernih nacija u potpunosti uspostavljeno u Europi, suvereni su zaklju\u010dali svoje granice i oslanjali se na svoje susjede samo u onoj mjeri u kojoj bi me\u0111unarodni sporazum mogao slu\u017eiti njihovim specifi\u010dnim interesima.<\/p>\n
To predstavlja druga\u010diji koncept nacija, \u010dak i novozami\u0161ljeni koncept, ro\u0111en u ma\u0161ti modernih mislilaca kao \u0161to su Ockham, Luther, Bodin ili Spinoza, a kasnije su ga slijedili njema\u010dki idealisti; ve\u0107 koncept koji od tada oblikuje politi\u010dku stvarnost.<\/p>\n
Bilo kako bilo, \u010dini se logi\u010dnim, kako tvrdi g. Arroyo, da bi konferencija o budu\u0107nosti Europe prvo zahtijevala konferenciju o njezinoj pro\u0161losti, kako bismo se mogli dogovoriti (ili ne) o tome kojim zajedni\u010dkim putem slijediti. I takav dogovor treba biti zasnovan na me\u0111usobnom po\u0161tovanju, a ne na prijevari i nametanju jedne strane drugoj.<\/p>\n
U nedostatku takvog dogovora o pro\u0161losti, rezultat bi mogao biti sli\u010dan onom s ljudskim pravima. Mnogi su pristali na kori\u0161tenje izraza, ali nakon 1968. neki vjeruju da bi se povelja trebala zamrznuti; dok drugi, odva\u017eniji, proklamiraju da pojam dostojanstva treba rastegnuti onoliko koliko ljudska volja autonomno odlu\u010di.<\/p>\n
Izvor slike: EurActiv<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"
Tijekom 2022. centralisti\u010dke snage u Europskoj uniji, samoprogla\u0161eni federalisti, organizirali su svoju navodnu Konferenciju o budu\u0107nosti Europe, koju je pohvalila \u010delnica Komisije Ursula von der Leyen u svom govoru o stanju Unije u rujnu pro\u0161le godine. Europski konzervativci i reformisti (ECR) nazvali su konferenciju “medijskom paradom” kojoj nedostaje po\u0161tenja i transparentnosti. Mladi povjesni\u010dar s Cambridgea […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":23,"featured_media":3727,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[185],"tags":[],"editorial-positions":[],"regions":[366],"types":[450],"class_list":["post-4047","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-kultura-hr","regions-western-europe-hr","types-opinion-hr"],"yoast_head":"\n
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