{"id":24885,"date":"2024-04-12T20:02:28","date_gmt":"2024-04-12T20:02:28","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.theconservative.online\/de-ce-s-a-inselat-einaudi-in-privinta-nationalismului"},"modified":"2024-04-12T20:02:28","modified_gmt":"2024-04-12T20:02:28","slug":"de-ce-s-a-inselat-einaudi-in-privinta-nationalismului","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.theconservative.online\/ro\/de-ce-s-a-inselat-einaudi-in-privinta-nationalismului","title":{"rendered":"De ce s-a \u00een\u0219elat Einaudi \u00een privin\u021ba na\u021bionalismului"},"content":{"rendered":"<h2>Jurnal european: Nicosia, martie 2024<\/h2>\n<p>\u00cen prim\u0103vara anului 1983, Friedrich A. von Hayek a vizitat un grup de studen\u021bi de la Universitatea Oxford. Ace\u0219tia doreau s\u0103 \u00eenfiin\u021beze o Societate Hayek pentru a discuta idei conservatoare \u0219i liberale clasice. Am fost unul dintre ace\u0219ti studen\u021bi, la vremea respectiv\u0103 scriind o tez\u0103 de doctorat despre teoriile lui Hayek. Hayek \u0219i-a exprimat bucuria c\u0103 tinerii sunt interesa\u021bi de ideile sale. Dar a pus o condi\u021bie pentru ca noi s\u0103-i folosim numele: &#8222;Trebuie s\u0103 promite\u021bi c\u0103 nu ve\u021bi deveni Hayekiani. Am observat c\u0103 keynesi\u0219tii sunt mult mai r\u0103i dec\u00e2t Keynes, iar marxi\u0219tii mult mai r\u0103i dec\u00e2t Marx&#8221;. Nu am reu\u0219it \u00eentotdeauna s\u0103 ne \u00eendeplinim promisiunea fa\u021b\u0103 de Hayek, deoarece sunt \u00een mare parte de acord cu el \u00een ceea ce prive\u0219te filosofia \u0219i politica. Dup\u0103 p\u0103rerea mea, el a oferit cea mai profund\u0103 ap\u0103rare intelectual\u0103 din secolul XX a societ\u0103\u021bii libere. Dar, a\u0219a cum am spus publicului din cadrul conferin\u021bei mele de la Weekendul Cultural al Partidului ECR din 29-30 martie 2024 din Nicosia, Cipru, nu a\u0219 \u00eemp\u0103rt\u0103\u0219i respingerea de c\u0103tre Hayek \u0219i mul\u021bi al\u021bi g\u00e2nditori liberali proeminen\u021bi a statului na\u021bional. Spre deosebire de Hayek, eu a\u0219 tinde s\u0103 o sus\u021bin, de\u0219i nu este \u00een niciun caz singura posibilitate de aranjament politic.<\/p>\n<h3>Ideile importante ale lui Einaudi despre impozitare<\/h3>\n<p>Prelegerea mea a avut ca tem\u0103 teme dintr-o carte pe care o voi publica \u00een cur\u00e2nd, \u00een care compar liberalismul nordic, articulat de prolificul poet \u0219i pastor danez Nikolaj F. S. Grundtvig, cu o variant\u0103 sudic\u0103, prezentat\u0103 de eminentul economist italian Luigi Einaudi, pre\u0219edinte al Italiei \u00eentre 1948 \u0219i 1955 \u0219i considerat pe scar\u0103 larg\u0103 drept unul dintre p\u0103rin\u021bii nu numai ai miracolului economic italian de dup\u0103 cel de-al Doilea R\u0103zboi Mondial, ci \u0219i ai Uniunii Europene. Am l\u0103udat contribu\u021biile importante ale lui Einaudi \u00een domeniul finan\u021belor publice. Una dintre ele a fost despre taxa just\u0103. \u00cen c\u0103utarea unui impozit echitabil, economistul suedez Knut Wicksell a propus criteriul unanimit\u0103\u021bii: Acesta ar fi fost singurul mod de a aplica \u00een politic\u0103 principiul non-coerci\u021biei care predomin\u0103 pe pia\u021ba liber\u0103. Pe o pia\u021b\u0103 liber\u0103 \u0219i competitiv\u0103, oamenii fac schimb de bunuri \u0219i servicii doar prin consim\u021b\u0103m\u00e2nt reciproc, de obicei pe baza opiniilor lor cu privire la ceea ce este \u00een beneficiul propriu. Totu\u0219i, \u00een politic\u0103 exist\u0103 \u00eentotdeauna pericolul ca un grup cu influen\u021b\u0103 politic\u0103 s\u0103 o foloseasc\u0103 pentru a-\u0219i servi interesele speciale.<\/p><div class='related_content'><span>RELATED<\/span><ul><li><a href='https:\/\/www.theconservative.online\/ro\/ue-avanseaza-cu-un-pachet-major-de-sprijin-financiar-pentru-ucraina'>UE avanseaz\u0103 cu un pachet major de sprijin financiar pentru Ucraina<\/li><\/a><li><a href='https:\/\/www.theconservative.online\/ro\/europa-o-piata-deschisa-sau-un-stat-inchis'>Europa: o pia\u021b\u0103 deschis\u0103 sau un stat \u00eenchis?<\/li><\/a><li><a href='https:\/\/www.theconservative.online\/ro\/brexit-se-intoarce-sa-bantuie-politica-britanica-in-timp-ce-laburistii-sunt-divizati-in-privinta-europei'>Brexit se \u00eentoarce s\u0103 b\u00e2ntuie politica britanic\u0103, \u00een timp ce laburi\u0219tii sunt diviza\u021bi \u00een privin\u021ba Europei<\/li><\/a><\/ul><\/div>\n<p>Cu toate acestea, Einaudi a considerat c\u0103 criteriul unanimit\u0103\u021bii nu era practic, din mai multe motive. El a propus \u00een schimb criteriul acceptabilit\u0103\u021bii. Dac\u0103 un impozit este acceptat pe scar\u0103 larg\u0103, atunci ar putea fi considerat un impozit echitabil, care trebuie pl\u0103tit cu aproape acela\u0219i calm ca un bun sau un serviciu ales \u00een mod liber pe pia\u021b\u0103. La urma urmei, un impozit corect era o plat\u0103 pentru serviciile indispensabile ale guvernului, care, dup\u0103 p\u0103rerea lui Einaudi, ar putea fi considerat al patrulea factor de produc\u021bie, al\u0103turi de munc\u0103, p\u0103m\u00e2nt \u0219i capital. Impozitele, salariile, chiriile \u0219i dob\u00e2nzile ar trebui s\u0103 fie considerate pre\u021buri pentru serviciile esen\u021biale ale acestor patru factori de produc\u021bie. Rezult\u0103 c\u0103 ar p\u0103rea la fel de ciudat s\u0103 repartizezi impozitele \u00een func\u021bie de capacitatea de plat\u0103 ca \u0219i cum ai percepe un pre\u021b pentru p\u00e2inea v\u00e2ndut\u0103 \u00eentr-o brut\u0103rie nu \u00een func\u021bie de capacitatea acesteia de a satisface consumatorii, ci \u00een func\u021bie de mijloacele diferite ale clien\u021bilor, astfel \u00eenc\u00e2t omul bogat ar pl\u0103ti mai mult pentru p\u00e2inea sa dec\u00e2t cel s\u0103rac. Punctul de vedere al lui Einaudi este, cred eu, un argument conving\u0103tor \u00eempotriva impozit\u0103rii progresive. Guvernul furnizeaz\u0103 servicii al c\u0103ror pre\u021b (finan\u021bat prin taxe) ar trebui s\u0103 fie stabilit astfel \u00eenc\u00e2t clien\u021bii s\u0103i (cet\u0103\u021benii) s\u0103 ob\u021bin\u0103 o satisfac\u021bie maxim\u0103 din furnizarea acestora.<\/p>\n<p>Einaudi a f\u0103cut o alt\u0103 remarc\u0103 important\u0103 cu privire la impozitare: Impozitarea veniturilor din capital este un caz de dubl\u0103 impozitare, deoarece capitalul a fost acumulat prin economisirea veniturilor. (Acest argument a fost deja adus de John Stuart Mill \u00een secolul al XIX-lea, dup\u0103 cum a observat Einaudi.) S\u0103 lu\u0103m \u00een considerare dou\u0103 persoane, Luigi \u0219i Fabio, care au acela\u0219i venit anual. Luigo este econom \u0219i \u00eentreprinz\u0103tor \u0219i pune deoparte jum\u0103tate din venitul s\u0103u anual pentru investi\u021bii, poate \u00een propria companie de familie. Pe de alt\u0103 parte, Fabio \u00ee\u0219i cheltuie\u0219te \u00een fiecare an toate veniturile pe bunuri \u0219i servicii. Am\u00e2ndoi au pl\u0103tit aceea\u0219i sum\u0103 de bani din impozitul pe venit. Dar, \u00een timp ce Luigi trebuie s\u0103 pl\u0103teasc\u0103 \u00een plus un impozit pe venitul s\u0103u din capitalul ob\u021binut din economiile sale, Fabio nu mai are de pl\u0103tit niciun impozit. Cu alte cuvinte, impozitele pe avere \u0219i pe c\u00e2\u0219tigurile de capital \u00eei pedepsesc pe cei economi \u0219i \u00eei recompenseaz\u0103 pe cei risipitori. P\u00e2n\u0103 acum, economisirea a fost considerat\u0103 o virtute, iar risipa un viciu. \u00cen plus, astfel de taxe reduc suma de bani disponibil\u0103 pentru antreprenori \u0219i capitali\u0219tii de risc, motoarele progresului \u00een capitalism. De obicei, impozitul pe mo\u0219tenire este un caz de tripl\u0103 impozitare: mai \u00eent\u00e2i se impoziteaz\u0103 venitul ini\u021bial, apoi se impoziteaz\u0103 venitul celor economi din economiile lor \u0219i, \u00een final, se impoziteaz\u0103 averea acumulat\u0103 de ace\u0219tia de-a lungul anilor; astfel, nu li se permite s\u0103 o transmit\u0103 mai departe copiilor lor sau s\u0103 dispun\u0103 de ea \u00een alte moduri (de exemplu, \u00een scopuri caritabile private).<\/p>\n<h3>Na\u021bionalism neagresiv<\/h3>\n<p>Einaudi a avut dreptate \u00een multe privin\u021be. Dar, la fel ca Hayek, a gre\u0219it c\u00e2nd a respins na\u021bionalismul, i-am spus audien\u021bei mele din Nicosia. El se g\u00e2ndea, desigur, la na\u021bionalismul belicos la care fusese martor \u00een Primul R\u0103zboi Mondial, folosit cu cinism de demagogi pentru a st\u00e2rni ura unei na\u021biuni fa\u021b\u0103 de alte na\u021biuni, implic\u00e2nd de obicei un apel la cucerirea altor teritorii \u0219i la supunerea locuitorilor acestora. Dar trebuie f\u0103cut\u0103 o distinc\u021bie \u00eentre acest tip de na\u021bionalism odios \u0219i na\u021bionalismul neagresiv prezentat de Grundtvig, care se bazeaz\u0103 pe voin\u021ba unei comunit\u0103\u021bi de a forma un stat pentru c\u0103 \u00eemp\u0103rt\u0103\u0219e\u0219te o cultur\u0103 \u0219i o istorie \u0219i, adesea, o limb\u0103. Contrastul dintre cele dou\u0103 tipuri de na\u021bionalism a fost clar \u00een conflictul Schleswig dintre Danemarca \u0219i Confedera\u021bia German\u0103. A fost un conflict deosebit. Regele danez era duce de Schleswig, care ini\u021bial fusese aproape \u00een totalitate vorbitor de danez\u0103, dar \u00een anii 1860 a fost \u00eemp\u0103r\u021bit aproape egal \u00eentre vorbitorii de danez\u0103 \u00een Schleswigul de Nord \u0219i vorbitorii de german\u0103 \u00een Schleswigul de Sud. Na\u021bionali\u0219tii danezi au vrut s\u0103 anexeze \u00eentregul Schleswig, for\u021b\u00e2ndu-i pe germanii din Schleswigul de Sud s\u0103 devin\u0103 cet\u0103\u021beni danezi. Na\u021bionali\u0219tii germani doreau, de asemenea, s\u0103 anexeze \u00eentregul Schleswig, for\u021b\u00e2ndu-i pe danezii din nordul Schleswigului s\u0103 devin\u0103 cet\u0103\u021beni ai unui stat german. Astfel, ambele grupuri au fost na\u021bionali\u0219ti agresivi. Cu toate acestea, Grundtvig a propus ca Schleswig s\u0103 fie \u00eemp\u0103r\u021bit \u00eentre cele dou\u0103 comunit\u0103\u021bi, jum\u0103tate nordic\u0103 devenind parte a Danemarcei, iar jum\u0103tatea sudic\u0103 parte a Germaniei.<\/p>\n<p>\u00centr-un poem celebru, Grundtvig a exprimat ideea de na\u021bionalitate prin consim\u021b\u0103m\u00e2nt:<\/p>\n<blockquote><p>Dintr-un &#8222;popor&#8221; to\u021bi sunt membri<\/p>\n<p>Care se consider\u0103 pe ei \u00een\u0219i\u0219i ca atare,<\/p>\n<p>Cei a c\u0103ror limb\u0103 matern\u0103 sun\u0103 cel mai dulce,<\/p>\n<p>\u0218i patria lor iubesc mult.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n<p>Aceea\u0219i idee a fost expus\u0103 mai t\u00e2rziu de istoricul francez Ernest Renan \u00eentr-o <a href=\"http:\/\/ucparis.fr\/files\/9313\/6549\/9943\/What_is_a_Nation.pdf\">prelegere<\/a> despre conceptul de na\u021biune: Istoria, limba \u0219i loca\u021bia unui grup pot fi importante \u00een modelarea identit\u0103\u021bii sale, dar, \u00een cele din urm\u0103, niciunul dintre aceste atribute nu determin\u0103 ce este o na\u021biune, a spus Renan. Americanii \u0219i britanicii vorbesc aceea\u0219i limb\u0103, dar sunt dou\u0103 na\u021biuni diferite. Elve\u021bienii sunt o na\u021biune, chiar dac\u0103 vorbesc patru limbi. Europenii vorbitori de limb\u0103 german\u0103 apar\u021bin la cel pu\u021bin trei state, Germania, Austria \u0219i Elve\u021bia (al\u0103turi de mici minorit\u0103\u021bi \u00een Belgia \u0219i Italia). Dup\u0103 cum spunea Renan, o limb\u0103 invit\u0103 oamenii s\u0103 se uneasc\u0103, dar nu \u00eei oblig\u0103 s\u0103 o fac\u0103. Ceea ce este esen\u021bial este voin\u021ba grupului de a tr\u0103i \u00eempreun\u0103 sub aceea\u0219i lege, \u00een acela\u0219i stat. Este autoidentificarea sa spontan\u0103 \u0219i voluntar\u0103: &#8222;Presupune un trecut; ea se rezum\u0103 \u00eens\u0103 \u00een prezent la un fapt tangibil, \u0219i anume consim\u021b\u0103m\u00e2ntul, dorin\u021ba clar exprimat\u0103 de a continua o via\u021b\u0103 comun\u0103. Existen\u021ba unei na\u021biuni este, dac\u0103 \u00eemi permite\u021bi metafora, un plebiscit zilnic, a\u0219a cum existen\u021ba unui individ este o perpetu\u0103 afirmare a vie\u021bii&#8217;. Renan a ad\u0103ugat: &#8222;Dac\u0103 apar \u00eendoieli cu privire la frontierele na\u021bionale, consulta\u021bi popula\u021bia din zona \u00een litigiu. Ace\u0219tia au dreptul la o opinie asupra problemei&#8221;.<\/p>\n<p>Danemarca \u0219i Confedera\u021bia German\u0103 au purtat dou\u0103 r\u0103zboaie pentru Schleswig. \u00cen cel de-al doilea r\u0103zboi Schleswig din 1864, Danemarca a fost \u00eenfr\u00e2nt\u0103 \u0219i a pierdut at\u00e2t Schleswigul, c\u00e2t \u0219i alte dou\u0103 teritorii de limb\u0103 german\u0103. O minoritate de 200.000 de vorbitori de danez\u0103 din Schleswig de Nord s-a reg\u0103sit \u00een Prusia, \u00eempotriva voin\u021bei lor. Dup\u0103 \u00eenfr\u00e2ngerea Germaniei \u00een Primul R\u0103zboi Mondial, vechea propunere a lui Grundtvig a fost \u00een cele din urm\u0103 pus\u0103 \u00een aplicare. \u00cen 1920, Schleswig a fost \u00eemp\u0103r\u021bit \u00een trei zone care puteau alege \u00eentre Danemarca \u0219i Germania. Zona cea mai nordic\u0103 a votat \u00een propor\u021bie cov\u00e2r\u0219itoare pentru Danemarca \u0219i, dup\u0103 ce zona central\u0103 a votat \u00een propor\u021bie cov\u00e2r\u0219itoare pentru Germania, s-a considerat c\u0103 nu este necesar s\u0103 se organizeze un referendum \u00een zona cea mai sudic\u0103, care, \u00een mod evident, ar fi votat pentru Germania. \u00cen consecin\u021b\u0103, grani\u021ba dintre Danemarca \u0219i Germania a fost mutat\u0103 spre sud, iar la 10 iulie 1920, regele danez Christian X a trecut maiestuos pe un cal alb peste grani\u021ba din 1864 (a\u0219a cum este descris\u0103 \u00een tabloul de mai sus, realizat de Hans N. Hansen). \u00cen prezent, Danemarca este, ca \u0219i celelalte patru \u021b\u0103ri nordice, un exemplu de stat na\u021bional care func\u021bioneaz\u0103 bine \u0219i \u00een care cet\u0103\u021benii se simt ca acas\u0103. Societatea civil\u0103 &#8211; spa\u021biul social intermediar \u00eentre individ \u0219i stat &#8211; este vibrant\u0103 acolo, ca \u0219i \u00een celelalte \u021b\u0103ri nordice. Danezii nu tr\u0103iesc nici \u00eentr-o fort\u0103rea\u021b\u0103, nici \u00eentr-o \u00eenchisoare. Ei sunt m\u00e2ndri de identitatea \u0219i mo\u0219tenirea lor, f\u0103r\u0103 ranchiun\u0103 sau am\u0103r\u0103ciune fa\u021b\u0103 de alte na\u021biuni.<\/p>\n<h3>Restabilirea principiului subsidiarit\u0103\u021bii<\/h3>\n<p>Einaudi a considerat c\u0103 o confedera\u021bie precum Liga Na\u021biunilor (\u0219i, \u00eenainte de aceasta, Sf\u00e2ntul Imperiu Roman) era prea slab\u0103 pentru a men\u021bine pacea \u0219i a asigura un cadru eficient pentru produc\u021bie \u0219i comer\u021b \u00een cadrul unei pie\u021be europene comune. Prin urmare, a propus o federa\u021bie european\u0103, cu o for\u021b\u0103 militar\u0103, o moned\u0103 comun\u0103 \u0219i un organism legislativ, de\u0219i a afirmat c\u0103 sarcinile unei astfel de federa\u021bii ar trebui reduse la un minim indispensabil. \u00cen discursul meu, am subliniat c\u0103 aceste trei propuneri nu s-au dovedit a fi foarte realiste. \u00cen primul r\u00e2nd, NATO, Organiza\u021bia Tratatului Atlanticului de Nord, a fost cea care a asigurat ap\u0103rarea Europei, cu ajutorul crucial al Statelor Unite \u0219i al Canadei. Prin urmare, o for\u021b\u0103 militar\u0103 european\u0103 special\u0103 este superflu\u0103. \u00cen schimb, NATO ar trebui s\u0103 fie consolidat, pentru a-i \u021bine pe americani \u00een\u0103untru \u0219i pe ru\u0219i afar\u0103.<\/p>\n<p>\u00cen al doilea r\u00e2nd, atunci c\u00e2nd se pl\u0103nuia o moned\u0103 comun\u0103 \u00een anii 1990, economi\u0219ti germani de renume au lansat de dou\u0103 ori avertismente publice c\u0103 Europa nu este preg\u0103tit\u0103 pentru aceasta, deoarece economiile statelor membre nu au convergent suficient \u0219i pentru c\u0103 \u00een restul Europei nu exista aceea\u0219i determinare ca \u00een Germania de a men\u021bine o moned\u0103 stabil\u0103. Din nefericire, s-a dovedit c\u0103 au avut dreptate. De\u0219i ini\u021bial au fost adoptate reguli stricte cu privire la euro, acestea au fost \u00eenc\u0103lcate \u00een mod repetat. Einaudi a fost un sus\u021bin\u0103tor puternic al unei monede comune. &#8222;Avantajul sistemului nu ar consta doar \u00een calculul \u0219i confortul pl\u0103\u021bilor \u0219i tranzac\u021biilor transfrontaliere. De\u0219i foarte considerabil, acest avantaj ar fi mic \u00een compara\u021bie cu un altul, mult mai mare: abolirea suveranit\u0103\u021bii statelor individuale \u00een materie monetar\u0103&#8221;, scrisese el \u00een 1944. &#8216;Dac\u0103 federa\u021bia european\u0103 va face imposibil\u0103 plata lucr\u0103rilor publice de c\u0103tre statele federate individuale prin tip\u0103rirea mai multor bancnote \u0219i le va obliga s\u0103 str\u00e2ng\u0103 fondurile necesare numai din impozite \u0219i \u00eemprumuturi voluntare, va fi realizat, numai prin aceasta, o mare performan\u021b\u0103&#8217;. Nu a fost cazul. Euro nu este un D-Mark. Problema banilor necooperan\u021bi a fost transferat\u0103 de la nivel na\u021bional la nivel european.<\/p>\n<p>\u00cen al treilea r\u00e2nd, puterea legislativ\u0103 \u00een Europa nu este de fapt de\u021binut\u0103 de Parlamentul European, ci de Comisia European\u0103, care este netransparent\u0103 \u0219i nealeas\u0103. Judec\u0103torii Cur\u021bii de Justi\u021bie a Uniunii Europene, CJUE, se pronun\u021b\u0103 aproape \u00eentotdeauna \u00een favoarea acestuia \u0219i au decis c\u0103 prevederile sale au prioritate fa\u021b\u0103 de legisla\u021bia na\u021bional\u0103. Auto-selec\u021bia \u0219i c\u0103utarea unei puteri sporite pot explica multe dintre hot\u0103r\u00e2rile sale. Comisia European\u0103 \u0219i CJUE ignor\u0103 \u00een mare m\u0103sur\u0103 principiul subsidiarit\u0103\u021bii, conform c\u0103ruia problemele politice ar trebui s\u0103 fie rezolvate la cel mai apropiat sau cel mai local nivel posibil. Principiul subsidiarit\u0103\u021bii a fost clar enun\u021bat \u00een Enciclica papal\u0103 <em>Quadragesimo anno<\/em> din 1931, \u00a779: &#8222;La fel cum este o grav\u0103 gre\u0219eal\u0103 s\u0103 iei de la indivizi ceea ce ei pot realiza prin propria ini\u021biativ\u0103 \u0219i industrie \u0219i s\u0103 o dai comunit\u0103\u021bii, tot astfel este o nedreptate \u0219i \u00een acela\u0219i timp un r\u0103u grav \u0219i o tulburare a ordinii corecte s\u0103 atribui unei asocia\u021bii mai mari \u0219i mai \u00eenalte ceea ce pot face organiza\u021bii mai mici \u0219i subordonate. \u00cen discursul meu de la Nicosia, am sugerat c\u0103, poate, sarcinile CJUE ar putea fi \u00eemp\u0103r\u021bite \u00eentre dou\u0103 instan\u021be. Actuala CJUE ar trebui s\u0103 se pronun\u021be asupra chestiunilor pur juridice, \u00een timp ce o Curte special\u0103 de subsidiaritate ar trebui s\u0103 decid\u0103 asupra cazurilor de competen\u021b\u0103 \u00eentre statele membre \u0219i Uniune, av\u00e2nd ca fundament principiul subsidiarit\u0103\u021bii.<\/p>\n<h3>O federa\u021bie european\u0103 a statelor na\u021bionale<\/h3>\n<p>C\u00e2nd a fost creat\u0103 \u00een 1957, Comunitatea Economic\u0103 European\u0103 a avut ca scop ap\u0103rarea celor patru libert\u0103\u021bi, a liberei circula\u021bii a bunurilor, capitalurilor, serviciilor \u0219i persoanelor peste grani\u021bele europene, pentru a-i apropia pe europeni unii de al\u021bii \u0219i pentru a reduce probabilitatea conflictelor \u0219i a r\u0103zboaielor. \u00cen urm\u0103torii treizeci de ani, \u0219i-a \u00eendeplinit acest obiectiv \u00een mod admirabil. &#8216;Pia\u021ba comun\u0103 a fost o \u00eencercare de mare succes de a elimina barierele \u00een calea comer\u021bului \u0219i a circula\u021biei capitalurilor pe care le ridicaser\u0103 guvernele na\u021bionale. A sporit at\u00e2t eficien\u021ba, c\u00e2t \u0219i libertatea. Mai mult, prin consolidarea concuren\u021bei, a redus nevoia de interven\u021bie guvernamental\u0103 \u00een economie&#8221;, a scris distinsul economist german Roland Vaubel \u00eentr-un articol perspicace, intitulat  <a href=\"https:\/\/iea.org.uk\/wp-content\/uploads\/2016\/07\/upldbook457pdf.pdf\">lucrare<\/a> pentru Institutul Englez de Afaceri Economice. Dar \u00een anii 1990, accentul s-a mutat de la integrarea economic\u0103 la integrarea politic\u0103, sau centralizare. Obiectivul nu mai era o pia\u021b\u0103 comun\u0103, ci mai degrab\u0103 Statele Unite ale Europei. \u00cen discursul meu de la Nicosia mi-am exprimat \u00eendoielile cu privire la oportunitatea acestei evolu\u021bii. O federa\u021bie european\u0103 de state na\u021bionale era preferabil\u0103 unei noi superputeri. Poate c\u0103 o astfel de federa\u021bie ar putea fi inspirat\u0103 de cooperarea str\u00e2ns\u0103, dar spontan\u0103, dintre cele cinci \u021b\u0103ri nordice, \u00een cadrul Consiliului Nordic \u0219i \u00een alte p\u0103r\u021bi, cu o renun\u021bare minim\u0103 la suveranitatea na\u021bional\u0103.<\/p>\n<\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Jurnal european: Nicosia, martie 2024 \u00cen prim\u0103vara anului 1983, Friedrich A. von Hayek a vizitat un grup de studen\u021bi de la Universitatea Oxford. Ace\u0219tia doreau s\u0103 \u00eenfiin\u021beze o Societate Hayek pentru a discuta idei conservatoare \u0219i liberale clasice. Am fost unul dintre ace\u0219ti studen\u021bi, la vremea respectiv\u0103 scriind o tez\u0103 de doctorat despre teoriile lui [&hellip;]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":52,"featured_media":24538,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[183,263,160],"tags":[208,283,866,589,1028],"editorial-positions":[42],"regions":[346,355],"types":[456],"class_list":["post-24885","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-cultura-ro","category-legal-ro","category-politica","tag-cjeu","tag-european-commission","tag-free-markets","tag-freedom","tag-nationalism","editorial-positions-focus","regions-northern-europe-ro","regions-southern-europe-ro","types-opinion-ro"],"yoast_head":"<!-- This site is optimized with the Yoast SEO plugin v27.1.1 - https:\/\/yoast.com\/product\/yoast-seo-wordpress\/ -->\n<title>De ce s-a \u00een\u0219elat Einaudi \u00een privin\u021ba na\u021bionalismului - The Conservative<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/www.theconservative.online\/ro\/de-ce-s-a-inselat-einaudi-in-privinta-nationalismului\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"ro_RO\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"De ce s-a \u00een\u0219elat Einaudi \u00een privin\u021ba na\u021bionalismului - The Conservative\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Jurnal european: Nicosia, martie 2024 \u00cen prim\u0103vara anului 1983, Friedrich A. von Hayek a vizitat un grup de studen\u021bi de la Universitatea Oxford. 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