{"id":50375,"date":"2026-02-07T10:45:39","date_gmt":"2026-02-07T10:45:39","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.theconservative.online\/este-timpul-sa-recuperam-nationalismul-ca-bun-moral"},"modified":"2026-02-07T10:45:39","modified_gmt":"2026-02-07T10:45:39","slug":"este-timpul-sa-recuperam-nationalismul-ca-bun-moral","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.theconservative.online\/ro\/este-timpul-sa-recuperam-nationalismul-ca-bun-moral","title":{"rendered":"Este timpul s\u0103 recuper\u0103m na\u021bionalismul ca bun moral"},"content":{"rendered":"<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u00cen mediul academic occidental modern exist\u0103 ideea omniprezent\u0103 c\u0103 na\u021bionalismul este o idee modern\u0103. Acesta este frecvent descris \u00een educa\u021bie, de c\u0103tre intelectualii publici \u0219i \u00een comentariile politice generale ca fiind o construc\u021bie impus\u0103 de sus asupra oamenilor de jos. De cele mai multe ori este ridiculizat, \u00een cel mai bun caz ca o iluzie, iar \u00een cel mai r\u0103u caz ca un delir. Este un avertisment care evoc\u0103 r\u0103zboaie mondiale, prejudec\u0103\u021bi, persecu\u021bii \u0219i genocid.   <\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Fiind \u00een esen\u021b\u0103 o problem\u0103 intelectual\u0103, nu este clar dac\u0103 acest revizionism postbelic al istoriei occidentale este sau nu contestat de noua contra-cultur\u0103 conservatoare. \u00cen timp ce partidele populiste de dreapta care pun accentul pe identitatea na\u021bional\u0103, apartenen\u021ba \u0219i unitatea \u00een destin sunt \u00een cre\u0219tere din punct de vedere politic, tulpina academic\u0103 care st\u0103 la baza \u00een\u021belegerii publice a na\u021bionalismului ar putea fi prea obscur\u0103 pentru ca majoritatea oamenilor s\u0103 o pun\u0103 \u00een discu\u021bie. <\/span><\/p><div class='related_content'><span>RELATED<\/span><ul><li><a href='https:\/\/www.theconservative.online\/ro\/reflectii-personale-asupra-a-douazeci-de-nume'>Reflec\u021bii personale asupra a dou\u0103zeci de nume<\/li><\/a><\/ul><\/div>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Cum se poate defini na\u021bionalismul? Este cuv\u00e2ntul practic superfluu pentru majoritatea contextelor? Ce importan\u021b\u0103 are pentru cet\u0103\u021beanul obi\u0219nuit c\u00e2nd, cum \u0219i de ce a ap\u0103rut na\u021bionalismul \u00een Europa, din punct de vedere istoric? Poate c\u0103, at\u00e2ta timp c\u00e2t preocup\u0103rile lor economice \u0219i sociale sunt abordate, oamenii vor fi oricum ferici\u021bi.   <\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Partidele populiste recurg frecvent \u0219i la aceast\u0103 simplitate. Majoritatea partidelor de genul celor care conduc valul conservator din Occident nu se preocup\u0103 de istoria ideilor, nici m\u0103car de propriile lor idei. Dac\u0103 ne permitem s\u0103 specul\u0103m, poate c\u0103 o astfel de curiozitate este \u00eentunecat\u0103 de bariera reprezentat\u0103 de cele dou\u0103 r\u0103zboaie mondiale. Nara\u021biunea postbelic\u0103 conform c\u0103reia na\u021bionalismul este un produs al \u0219i pentru despo\u021bi \u0219i o arm\u0103 \u00eempotriva Celuilalt poate fi at\u00e2t de omniprezent\u0103 \u00eenc\u00e2t chiar \u0219i na\u021bionali\u0219tii din zilele noastre tremur\u0103 la ideea predecesorilor lor ideologici din secolul XX.   <\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Este greu s\u0103 rupi condi\u021bionarea culturii moderne. Dar a existat o anumit\u0103 rezisten\u021b\u0103 conservatoare la percep\u021bia c\u0103 ororile regimurilor brutale ale secolului XX au fost \u00een primul r\u00e2nd na\u021bionaliste, care a subliniat c\u0103 relele comise au fost de fapt imperialismul. \u00cen nara\u021biunea modern\u0103, imperialismul este adesea \u00een\u021beles ca fiind o consecin\u021b\u0103 a na\u021bionalismului \u0219i, \u00een unele cazuri, un sinonim direct al acestuia. \u00cen schimb, punctul de vedere conservator propune ca na\u021bionalismul s\u0103 fie antidotul imperialismului; recunoa\u0219terea frontierelor \u0219i a dreptului la autodeterminare reprezint\u0103 baza pentru respectarea egalit\u0103\u021bii tuturor na\u021biunilor.   <\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Tensiunea dintre aceste dou\u0103 viziuni asupra na\u021bionalismului nu se reduce doar la semantic\u0103 sau la o diferen\u021b\u0103 de opinie cu privire la faptul dac\u0103 na\u021bionalismul este binevoitor sau nu. Ea implic\u0103 un conflict serios de valori pentru care conservatorii ar face bine s\u0103 se preg\u0103teasc\u0103. <\/span><\/p>\n<p><b>Punctul de vedere consacrat al na\u021bionalismului<\/b><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u00cen istoriografia comun\u0103 contemporan\u0103 (care poate fi descris\u0103 alternativ ca fiind liberal\u0103, progresist\u0103 sau postbelic\u0103), na\u021bionalismul apare ca o idee care este intrinsec legat\u0103 de secolele XIX \u0219i XX. Acesta este atribuit industrialismului, urbaniz\u0103rii, comer\u021bului global \u0219i r\u0103zboaielor napoleoniene, asocia\u021bii care \u00eel prezint\u0103 \u00een mod preventiv drept o for\u021b\u0103 &#8222;perturbatoare&#8221;. Conform teoriei postbelice, na\u021bionalismul a fost (cuv\u00e2ntul-cheie fiind &#8222;a fost&#8221;, deoarece aceast\u0103 istoriografie condamn\u0103 \u00een esen\u021b\u0103 na\u021bionalismul ca fiind \u00eenvechit) o reac\u021bie la distrugerea feudalismului \u0219i, ulterior, a continuat s\u0103 distrug\u0103 \u00eentreaga Europ\u0103 &#8222;veche&#8221; prin Primul R\u0103zboi Mondial, \u00eenainte de a-\u0219i g\u0103si sf\u00e2r\u0219itul violent \u00een 1945.  <\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Aceast\u0103 interpretare &#8222;pe larg&#8221; este comun\u0103 \u00een \u0219coli, \u00een presa popular\u0103 \u0219i, desigur, \u00een retorica politic\u0103. Este puternic din punct de vedere politic s\u0103 se impun\u0103 inevitabilitatea unei ideologii &#8222;succesoare&#8221; a na\u021bionalismului, ceea ce teoretic tr\u0103im acum. Cu toate c\u0103 tendin\u021bele ideologice postna\u021bionale ale timpului nostru se sustrag unei etichet\u0103ri succinte, ele pot fi descrise \u00een mod variabil ca fiind liberale, social liberale sau poate globaliste. Sus\u021bin\u0103torii lor ar argumenta c\u0103, spre deosebire de na\u021bionalism, paradigma actual\u0103 caut\u0103 \u00eentr-un fel sau altul reconcilierea, coexisten\u021ba \u0219i solidaritatea global\u0103.   <\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Nu trebuie s\u0103 trecem cu vederea apropierea de teoriile marxiste ale istoriei din aceast\u0103 perspectiv\u0103, care utilizeaz\u0103 \u00een mod similar generaliz\u0103ri largi ale unor perioade istorice complexe pentru a construi o dezvoltare cronologic\u0103 predeterminat\u0103. Ideologia succesoare a na\u021bionalismului ar fi putut fi la fel de bine socialismul interna\u021bional, dac\u0103 marxi\u0219tii R\u0103zboiului Rece ar fi avut ultimul cuv\u00e2nt de spus. <\/span><\/p>\n<p><b>Na\u021bionalismul ca conservatorism<\/b><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u00cen istoriografia conservatoare, na\u021bionalismul este prezentat ca o &#8222;stare a naturii&#8221;, pentru o schimbare. Majoritatea formelor arhaice de dezvoltare comunitar\u0103 \u0219i social\u0103 de-a lungul istoriei sunt \u00een esen\u021ba lor o expresie a na\u021bionalismului, \u00eens\u0103 \u00eentr-o form\u0103 embrionar\u0103. Din acest punct de vedere, na\u021bionalismul este confluen\u021ba politicii cu nativitatea \u0219i\/sau comunitatea civil\u0103, spre deosebire de antagonismul \u0219i suprema\u021bia fa\u021b\u0103 de orice alte grupuri.  <\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Aceasta \u00eenseamn\u0103 c\u0103 na\u021bionalismul, a\u0219a cum a fost definit ca o ideologie a secolului al XIX-lea, a fost \u00eentotdeauna prezent \u00een mod tacit chiar \u0219i \u00een societ\u0103\u021bile premoderne. Este un adev\u0103r de la sine \u00een\u021beles c\u0103, de-a lungul istoriei, comunit\u0103\u021bile etnice s-au \u00eempotrivit \u00eentotdeauna invad\u0103rii de c\u0103tre grupuri etnice str\u0103ine, fie c\u0103 a fost vorba de triburi care s-au luptat cu romanii sau de s\u00e2rbi care s-au luptat cu austro-ungarii. Na\u021bionalismul, indiferent de cuv\u00e2ntul care este folosit pentru a-l descrie, este doar structurarea politicii \u00een jurul obiceiurilor, tradi\u021biilor \u0219i intereselor proprii ale grupului. Ideea c\u0103 acesta este un mod corect \u0219i ideal de a structura un stat nu a fost o inven\u021bie nou\u0103 din perioada Revolu\u021biei Franceze.   <\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u00centrebarea este, desigur, dac\u0103 na\u021bionalismul era omniprezent chiar \u00eenainte de apari\u021bia na\u021bionalismului &#8222;modern&#8221; \u00een secolul al XIX-lea, unde erau statele na\u021bionale \u0219i conflictele etnice distincte care sunt legate conceptual de na\u021bionalism, a\u0219a cum \u00eel \u00een\u021belege publicul modern?<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">R\u0103spunsul, pe care teoria postbelic\u0103 a na\u021bionalismului \u00eel abordeaz\u0103 cu greu, este c\u0103 at\u00e2t statul na\u021bional, c\u00e2t \u0219i ideea de con\u0219tiin\u021b\u0103 etnic\u0103 preg\u0103tit\u0103 politic sunt cu mult anterioare Revolu\u021biei Franceze \u0219i chiar Iluminismului.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><b>Na\u021biunea este mai veche dec\u00e2t statul<\/b><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Nu exist\u0103 o lips\u0103 de studii care s\u0103 sus\u021bin\u0103 ideea c\u0103 na\u021bionalismul (na\u021bionalismele) a avut un impact real asupra dezvolt\u0103rii politice a Europei medievale \u0219i moderne timpurii, chiar dac\u0103 istoriografia postbelic\u0103 ar fi sugerat acest lucru. \u00cen Suedia, zeci de ani de studii privind dezvoltarea statului suedez \u00een perioada modern\u0103 timpurie au generat o serie de teorii care \u00eel ajut\u0103 pe cet\u0103\u021beanul modern s\u0103 \u00een\u021beleag\u0103 cum a func\u021bionat cu adev\u0103rat Europa \u00een timpul &#8222;ancien r\u00e9gime&#8221;. <\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Descrierea de c\u0103tre istoricul Harald Gustafsson a &#8222;statului conglomerat&#8221; ofer\u0103 o imagine a Imperiului suedez ca un stat al circumscrip\u021biilor regionale \u0219i provinciale care aveau o rela\u021bie foarte asimetric\u0103 cu puterea central\u0103. Acest lucru \u00eenseamn\u0103 c\u0103 statul nu era sinonim cu nicio na\u021biune; suedezii \u00een\u0219i\u0219i din secolul al XVII-lea \u00een\u021belegeau acest lucru, deoarece f\u0103ceau diferen\u021ba \u00eentre p\u0103r\u021bile suedeze tradi\u021bionale ale &#8222;regatului&#8221; \u0219i &#8222;provinciile&#8221; distincte din punct de vedere cultural care nu erau tradi\u021bional suedeze. Discursul despre un &#8222;regat&#8221; contra unui set de &#8222;provincii&#8221; nu numai c\u0103 recuno\u0219tea o subdiviziune politic\u0103 practic\u0103 \u00een cadrul imperiului lor, dar demonstra, de asemenea, c\u0103 limit\u0103rile politice erau respectate de-a lungul grani\u021belor lingvistice, religioase \u0219i culturale din cadrul imperiilor multietnice.  <\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Teza lui Gustafsson cu privire la &#8222;statul conglomerat&#8221; este c\u0103 statul modern timpuriu era compartimentat geografic \u00een func\u021bie de obiceiuri, mai degrab\u0103 dec\u00e2t \u00een func\u021bie de caracterul practic al conduc\u0103torului sau al birocra\u021biei. Cu alte cuvinte, faptul c\u0103 comunit\u0103\u021bi distincte, cum ar fi o provincie unic\u0103 din punct de vedere lingvistic sau religios, \u0219i-au negociat separat rela\u021bia cu puterea central\u0103 \u00eenseamn\u0103 c\u0103 identit\u0103\u021bile regionale erau puternice din punct de vedere politic chiar \u00eenainte de &#8222;inventarea&#8221; na\u021bionalismului modern. Expresii ale con\u0219tiin\u021bei na\u021bionale active din punct de vedere politic pot fi identificate \u0219i \u00een Scandinavia medieval\u0103 t\u00e2rzie, \u00een timpul numeroaselor conflicte din cadrul Uniunii Kalmar, precum \u0219i \u00een \u021b\u0103ri precum \u021a\u0103rile de Jos, \u00een timpul Reformei \u0219i al fond\u0103rii Republicii Olandeze.  <\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u021a\u0103rile de Jos \u0219i Suedia sunt, de fapt, primele exemple din secolul al XVII-lea ale primelor state-na\u021biune din Europa, \u00een care con\u0219tiin\u021ba na\u021bional\u0103 exista, era promovat\u0103 de stat &#8211; un stat foarte eficient \u0219i sofisticat pentru acea vreme &#8211; \u0219i servea drept surs\u0103 de legitimitate politic\u0103.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Rezult\u0103, desigur, c\u0103 na\u021biunile pot fi deposedate din punct de vedere politic, iar majoritatea na\u021biunilor \u00eenc\u0103 existente au fost, de-a lungul istoriei, la un moment dat sau altul, deposedate. \u00censeamn\u0103 acest lucru c\u0103 na\u021biunea a \u00eencetat s\u0103 mai existe? <\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Cu greu. Originile Germaniei reprezint\u0103 o pies\u0103 central\u0103 popular\u0103 pentru teoria na\u021bionalismului postbelic \u0219i serve\u0219te drept un bun exemplu al modului \u00een care o na\u021biune poate exista, dar nu poate corespunde unei entit\u0103\u021bi politice de succes. Conform nara\u021biunii populare a istoriei germane, a\u0219a cum este r\u0103sp\u00e2ndit\u0103 \u00een multe culturi, \u021bara a fost practic inventat\u0103 la mijlocul anilor 1800. Referin\u021bele istorice la Regatul Germaniei care dateaz\u0103 din perioada medieval\u0103 sunt \u00een mare parte ascunse, la fel ca \u0219i \u00eencerc\u0103rile, \u00een cele din urm\u0103 nereu\u0219ite, de evocare a unit\u0103\u021bii germane \u00een timpul R\u0103zboiului de treizeci de ani.   <\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u00cenainte de construirea statului modern, birocra\u021bie, standardizarea limbii \u0219i comunicarea instantanee, multe na\u021biuni au continuat s\u0103 existe, de\u0219i inactive din punct de vedere politic, sub auspiciile imperiilor sau statelor feudale. Puterea acestor state de a suprima efectiv identit\u0103\u021bile, obiceiurile, limbile \u0219i religiile locale nu a existat \u00eentotdeauna. <\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Odat\u0103 cu consolidarea statului na\u021bional modern \u00een Europa \u00een secolele XVIII \u0219i XIX, a \u00eenceput s\u0103 se \u00eent\u00e2mple \u0219i altceva: na\u021biunea a devenit sinonim\u0103 cu statul. Acesta este punctul \u00een care se poate urm\u0103ri viziunea modern\u0103 asupra na\u021bionalismului. <\/span><\/p>\n<p><b>Cum s-a discreditat na\u021bionalismul<\/b><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Atunci c\u00e2nd statul \u0219i na\u021biunea devin unite din punct de vedere conceptual, devine mai greu pentru cet\u0103\u021beni s\u0103 \u00ee\u0219i imagineze o perioad\u0103 \u00een care na\u021biunile existau ca structuri sociale independente de state. Ascensiunea statului modern \u0219i a birocra\u021biei sale \u00een secolul al XIX-lea este u\u0219or transpus\u0103 ca ascensiune a na\u021biunii, atunci c\u00e2nd genera\u021biile urm\u0103toare trec peste complexitatea lumii moderne timpurii care nu mai exist\u0103. <\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Astfel, interesele statului sunt confundate cu interesele na\u021biunii. Acesta este modul \u00een care o ideologie despre autodeterminare, tradi\u021bie \u0219i guvernare cutumiar\u0103 este \u00eenvinov\u0103\u021bit\u0103 pentru atrocit\u0103\u021bi precum r\u0103zboaiele mondiale \u0219i genocidurile. Ast\u0103zi, chiar \u0219i cuv\u00e2ntul stat-na\u021biune poate fi derutant pentru cei care nu sunt familiariza\u021bi cu termenul, deoarece cuv\u00e2ntul na\u021biune a fost reinterpretat ca un \u00eenlocuitor al statului. Experien\u021bele identit\u0103\u021bilor construite sau cel pu\u021bin impuse de sus \u00een jos de guvernele autoritare de-a lungul secolului al XX-lea au diluat \u0219i mai mult conceptul de na\u021biune, \u00eenr\u0103d\u0103cinat \u00een comunitarismul organic, \u0219i l-au transformat \u00een ceva care sun\u0103 aproape amenin\u021b\u0103tor pentru observatorul obi\u0219nuit.   <\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Prin urmare, este at\u00e2t accidental, c\u00e2t \u0219i convenabil pentru progresi\u0219ti \u0219i liberalii antina\u021bionali, faptul c\u0103 na\u021bionalismul a dob\u00e2ndit o reputa\u021bie at\u00e2t de negativ\u0103 \u00een Occidentul postbelic. Bun\u0103voin\u021ba care poate fi inerent\u0103 na\u021bionalismului este de obicei \u00eent\u00e2mpinat\u0103 cu scepticism \u00een dezbaterea public\u0103 \u0219i este automat ignorat\u0103 ca un artefact al unui timp \u0219i al unui loc care, \u00een general, are o reputa\u021bie proast\u0103 \u00een mintea majorit\u0103\u021bii occidentalilor contemporani. Na\u021bionalismul este clasificat \u00een mod obi\u0219nuit \u00een aceea\u0219i categorie cu colonialismul, sclavia, eugenia, fanatismul religios \u0219i, bine\u00een\u021beles, imperialismul \u0219i apoi aruncat pe &#8222;groapa de gunoi a istoriei&#8221;, \u00een s\u0103lile de clas\u0103 \u0219i \u00een contexte educa\u021bionale din \u00eentreaga Europ\u0103.  <\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Conservatorii ar face bine s\u0103 se \u00eempotriveasc\u0103 revizionismului istoric care \u00eencearc\u0103 s\u0103 anuleze rolul natural pe care patriotismul \u0219i tradi\u021bionalismul l-au avut \u00een construirea unor societ\u0103\u021bi de succes pe continentul nostru. Nu este vorba doar de clarificarea bazei istorice a na\u021bionalismului, ci \u0219i de reafirmarea virtu\u021bilor care \u00eel \u00eenso\u021besc &#8211; cum ar fi democra\u021bia \u0219i egalitatea \u00een fa\u021ba legii. <\/span><\/p>\n<\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>\u00cen mediul academic occidental modern exist\u0103 ideea omniprezent\u0103 c\u0103 na\u021bionalismul este o idee modern\u0103. Acesta este frecvent descris \u00een educa\u021bie, de c\u0103tre intelectualii publici \u0219i \u00een comentariile politice generale ca fiind o construc\u021bie impus\u0103 de sus asupra oamenilor de jos. De cele mai multe ori este ridiculizat, \u00een cel mai bun caz ca o iluzie, [&hellip;]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":84,"featured_media":42897,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[183,184],"tags":[1993,2778],"editorial-positions":[],"regions":[365],"types":[],"class_list":["post-50375","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-cultura-ro","category-eseuri","tag-nationalism-nationalpride","tag-nation-state","regions-western-europe-ro"],"yoast_head":"<!-- This site is optimized with the Yoast SEO plugin v27.1.1 - https:\/\/yoast.com\/product\/yoast-seo-wordpress\/ -->\n<title>Este timpul s\u0103 recuper\u0103m na\u021bionalismul ca bun moral - The Conservative<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/www.theconservative.online\/ro\/este-timpul-sa-recuperam-nationalismul-ca-bun-moral\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"ro_RO\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Este timpul s\u0103 recuper\u0103m na\u021bionalismul ca bun moral - The Conservative\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"\u00cen mediul academic occidental modern exist\u0103 ideea omniprezent\u0103 c\u0103 na\u021bionalismul este o idee modern\u0103. Acesta este frecvent descris \u00een educa\u021bie, de c\u0103tre intelectualii publici \u0219i \u00een comentariile politice generale ca fiind o construc\u021bie impus\u0103 de sus asupra oamenilor de jos. 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