{"id":63675,"date":"2026-09-04T16:08:54","date_gmt":"2026-09-04T16:08:54","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.theconservative.online\/unitate-fara-uniformitate-ce-inseamna-referendumul-din-islanda-pentru-europa"},"modified":"2026-09-04T16:08:54","modified_gmt":"2026-09-04T16:08:54","slug":"unitate-fara-uniformitate-ce-inseamna-referendumul-din-islanda-pentru-europa","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.theconservative.online\/ro\/unitate-fara-uniformitate-ce-inseamna-referendumul-din-islanda-pentru-europa","title":{"rendered":"Unitate f\u0103r\u0103 uniformitate: Ce \u00eenseamn\u0103 referendumul din Islanda pentru Europa"},"content":{"rendered":"<h3 style=\"font-weight: 400;\"><strong>Nici o \u00eenfr\u00e2ngere european\u0103, nici o victorie a suveranismului<\/strong><\/h3>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Referendumul islandez a fost interpretat ca o nou\u0103 etap\u0103 \u00een lupta f\u0103r\u0103 sf\u00e2r\u0219it dintre eurofili \u0219i eurosceptici. Pentru cei dint\u00e2i, decizia de a nu redeschide negocierile de aderare reprezint\u0103 o \u00eenfr\u00e2ngere pentru proiectul european. Pentru cei din urm\u0103 \u2013 mul\u021bi dintre ei autoproclama\u021bi \u201epatrio\u021bi\u201d \u2013 aceasta dovede\u0219te c\u0103 o na\u021biune mic\u0103, prosper\u0103 \u0219i plin\u0103 de \u00eencredere \u00een sine poate \u00eenc\u0103 s\u0103 reziste Bruxelles-ului.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Ambele interpret\u0103ri sunt de natur\u0103 s\u0103 serveasc\u0103 intereselor proprii \u0219i, mai important, sunt eronate.<\/p><div class='related_content'><span>RELATED<\/span><ul><li><a href='https:\/\/www.theconservative.online\/ro\/marta-kos-lasa-un-gust-amar'>Marta Kos las\u0103 un gust amar<\/li><\/a><li><a href='https:\/\/www.theconservative.online\/ro\/referendumul-din-islanda-nu-e-ca-brexit-ul'>Referendumul din Islanda: Nu e ca Brexit-ul<\/li><\/a><li><a href='https:\/\/www.theconservative.online\/ro\/votul-negativ-al-islandei-nu-inseamna-o-reducere-a-rolului-europei'>Votul negativ al Islandei nu \u00eenseamn\u0103 o reducere a rolului Europei<\/li><\/a><\/ul><\/div>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Islanda nu a respins Europa. Nici nu a votat pentru a renun\u021ba la normele europene, pentru a-\u0219i \u00eenchide grani\u021bele sau pentru a-\u0219i rec\u00e2\u0219tiga o suveranitate presupus pierdut\u0103. Ceea ce au ales islandezii este s\u0103-\u0219i p\u0103streze rela\u021bia actual\u0103 cu Uniunea European\u0103: una caracterizat\u0103 de o integrare economic\u0103 \u0219i juridic\u0103 extrem de profund\u0103, dar f\u0103r\u0103 o participare deplin\u0103 la institu\u021biile sale politice.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Prin urmare, rezultatul nu reprezint\u0103 nici un e\u0219ec al UE, nici o victorie pentru a\u0219a-numi\u021bii \u201esuverani\u0219ti\u201d. El scoate la iveal\u0103 ceva mult mai interesant: Europa func\u021bioneaz\u0103 deja pe baza unor niveluri diferite de integrare, chiar dac\u0103 \u00eenc\u0103 refuz\u0103 s\u0103 recunoasc\u0103 aceast\u0103 realitate ca pe un model politic coerent.<\/p>\n<h3 style=\"font-weight: 400;\"><strong>Despre ce au votat de fapt islandezii<\/strong><\/h3>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Merit\u0103 s\u0103 \u00eencepem cu \u00eentrebarea adresat\u0103 aleg\u0103torilor, deoarece aceasta nu ar fi deloc prima dezbatere european\u0103 care \u00eencepe \u00eenainte ca cineva s\u0103 fi citit buletinul de vot.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Islanda nu a votat cu privire la aderarea imediat\u0103 la Uniunea European\u0103. A votat cu privire la reluarea negocierilor de aderare, care fuseser\u0103 suspendate de mai bine de un deceniu. Victoria campaniei pentru \u201enu\u201d a reprezentat, \u00een primul r\u00e2nd, o decizie \u00eempotriva schimb\u0103rii \u2014 o decizie de a men\u021bine statu quo-ul.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u0218i ce presupune acest statu quo? Islanda face parte din Spa\u021biul Economic European (SEE), particip\u0103 la pia\u021ba unic\u0103 \u0219i accept\u0103 libera circula\u021bie a m\u0103rfurilor, serviciilor, capitalurilor \u0219i persoanelor. De asemenea, face parte din Spa\u021biul Schengen \u0219i \u00eencorporeaz\u0103 \u00een ordinea sa juridic\u0103 intern\u0103 o parte considerabil\u0103 din legisla\u021bia european\u0103 privind pia\u021ba intern\u0103.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Cu toate acestea, \u021bara respectiv\u0103 nu face parte din Politica Agricol\u0103 Comun\u0103, din uniunea vamal\u0103, din uniunea monetar\u0103 \u0219i \u2014 ceea ce este cel mai important pentru interesele sale na\u021bionale \u2014 din Politica Comun\u0103 \u00een domeniul Pescuitului.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Islandezii nu au optat pentru izolare. Au preferat o rela\u021bie care le ofer\u0103 majoritatea avantajelor integr\u0103rii europene, permi\u021b\u00e2ndu-le \u00een acela\u0219i timp o mai mare autonomie \u00een mai multe domenii pe care le consider\u0103 esen\u021biale.<\/p>\n<h3 style=\"font-weight: 400;\"><strong>Paradoxul democratic al SEE<\/strong><\/h3>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Modelul ales de Islanda implic\u0103 un cost pe care sus\u021bin\u0103torii suveranit\u0103\u021bii na\u021bionale tind s\u0103-l omit\u0103. \u00cen calitate de membru al SEE, \u021bara trebuie s\u0103 pun\u0103 \u00een aplicare un ansamblu substan\u021bial de norme europene, s\u0103 contribuie financiar la diverse programe \u0219i s\u0103 accepte mecanismele comune de supraveghere. Ea poate \u00eencerca s\u0103 influen\u021beze legisla\u021bia \u00een faza de elaborare, dar nu are drept de vot asupra respectivei legisla\u021bii atunci c\u00e2nd aceasta este adoptat\u0103.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Islanda face parte din pia\u021ba unic\u0103, dar nu este membr\u0103 a institu\u021biilor care stabilesc multe dintre regulile acesteia.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Prin urmare, este curios s\u0103 observi cum anumi\u021bi \u201epatrio\u021bi\u201d denatureaz\u0103 rezultatul \u0219i \u00eel prezint\u0103 ca pe un act de emancipare democratic\u0103 fa\u021b\u0103 de Bruxelles. SEE \u2014 un sistem \u00een cadrul c\u0103ruia \u021b\u0103rile respect\u0103 normele f\u0103r\u0103 a participa pe deplin la adoptarea lor \u2014 seam\u0103n\u0103 deja cu caricatura antidemocratic\u0103 pe care ace\u0219tia o atribuie de obicei chiar Uniunii Europene.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Aderarea ar fi impus Islandei s\u0103 cedeze competen\u021be suplimentare, dar i-ar fi asigurat, totodat\u0103, reprezentare \u00een Parlamentul European, un loc \u00een Consiliu, un comisar \u0219i participarea oficial\u0103 la procesul legislativ. Islanda ar fi trecut de la a pune \u00een aplicare numeroase norme europene din exterior la a contribui la elaborarea acestora din interior.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Prin urmare, nu este vorba de o alegere \u00eentre supunere \u0219i independen\u021b\u0103. Este vorba de un compromis \u00eentre influen\u021b\u0103 \u0219i autonomie. Islanda a ales s\u0103 renun\u021be la o parte din prima pentru a-\u0219i p\u0103stra mai mult din cea de-a doua \u00een chestiunile pe care le consider\u0103 vitale.<\/p>\n<h3 style=\"font-weight: 400;\"><strong>Pescuitul explic\u0103 mai bine rezultatul dec\u00e2t Bruxelles-ul<\/strong><\/h3>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Pescuitul ocup\u0103 un loc central \u00een acest context. Pentru Islanda, pescuitul nu este doar o alt\u0103 activitate economic\u0103. Este o component\u0103 decisiv\u0103 a prosperit\u0103\u021bii, istoriei \u0219i identit\u0103\u021bii na\u021bionale a \u021b\u0103rii.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Islanda a purtat trei \u201er\u0103zboaie ale codului\u201d \u00eempotriva Regatului Unit \u2014 \u0219i le-a c\u00e2\u0219tigat. Marina Regal\u0103 a primit, cu c\u00e2teva decenii \u00een urm\u0103, o explica\u021bie destul de concret\u0103 cu privire la c\u00e2t de serios iau islandezii controlul asupra zonelor lor de pescuit. Ar fi nerezonabil s\u0103 ne a\u0219tept\u0103m ca ace\u0219tia s\u0103 renun\u021be cu u\u0219urin\u021b\u0103 la aceast\u0103 autoritate.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Prin urmare, decizia Islandei reflect\u0103 mai degrab\u0103 o evaluare pragmatic\u0103 a costurilor \u0219i beneficiilor dec\u00e2t o revolt\u0103 ideologic\u0103 \u00eempotriva Uniunii Europene. Actualul acord ofer\u0103 acces la pia\u021ba european\u0103 \u0219i oportunit\u0103\u021bi ample de cooperare, men\u021bin\u00e2nd \u00een acela\u0219i timp sectorul pescuitului \u0219i alte chestiuni importante \u00een afara cadrului UE.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Este o solu\u021bie imperfect\u0103, dar a\u0219a sunt, de obicei, acordurile politice serioase. Islanda nu se bucur\u0103 de toate beneficiile f\u0103r\u0103 a-\u0219i asuma obliga\u021bii, a\u0219a cum se pl\u00e2ng unii eurofili, \u0219i nici nu \u00ee\u0219i p\u0103streaz\u0103 suveranitatea intact\u0103, a\u0219a cum se bucur\u0103 unii eurosceptici. A acceptat un compromis pe care, deocamdat\u0103, \u00eel consider\u0103 avantajos.<\/p>\n<h3 style=\"font-weight: 400;\"><strong>Suveranitatea nu \u00eenseamn\u0103 absen\u021ba obliga\u021biilor<\/strong><\/h3>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">O parte din confuzie provine dintr-o concep\u021bie infantil\u0103 asupra suveranit\u0103\u021bii. Se vorbe\u0219te despre ea ca \u0219i cum ar fi un obiect pe care un stat fie \u00eel de\u021bine \u00een \u00eentregime, fie \u00eel pierde pentru totdeauna. Cu toate acestea, orice acord interna\u021bional presupune acceptarea unor obliga\u021bii \u0219i limitarea anumitor modalit\u0103\u021bi de ac\u021biune.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Un stat membru al NATO \u00ee\u0219i asum\u0103 angajamente care nu sunt obligatorii pentru un stat neutru. O \u021bar\u0103 care semneaz\u0103 un acord de liber schimb \u00ee\u0219i limiteaz\u0103 capacitatea de a impune tarife vamale. Chiar \u0219i rela\u021biile diplomatice se bazeaz\u0103 pe reguli, obliga\u021bii reciproce \u0219i restric\u021bii.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u00centrebarea relevant\u0103 nu este dac\u0103 libertatea na\u021bional\u0103 este limitat\u0103, pentru c\u0103 \u00eentotdeauna este. \u00centrebarea este cine stabile\u0219te aceste limit\u0103ri, \u00een ce scop, prin ce proceduri, \u00een schimbul c\u0103ror beneficii \u0219i cu ce posibilit\u0103\u021bi de revizuire.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Din perspectiv\u0103 democratic\u0103, problema cu SEE nu const\u0103 \u00een faptul c\u0103 acesta impune obliga\u021bii, ci \u00een faptul c\u0103 separ\u0103 par\u021bial respectarea normelor de reprezentare: Islanda accept\u0103 numeroase norme europene, dar dispune de mai pu\u021bine instrumente pentru a participa la adoptarea acestora dec\u00e2t orice alt stat membru al UE.<\/p>\n<h3 style=\"font-weight: 400;\"><strong>Integrarea european\u0103 are deja mai multe niveluri<\/strong><\/h3>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Cazul Islandei demonstreaz\u0103 c\u0103 Europa nu este un spa\u021biu institu\u021bional unic \u0219i uniform. Unele state membre ale UE utilizeaz\u0103 euro, \u00een timp ce altele nu. Majoritatea fac parte din spa\u021biul Schengen, de\u0219i exist\u0103 \u0219i excep\u021bii. Islanda \u0219i Norvegia fac parte din pia\u021ba unic\u0103 prin intermediul SEE. Elve\u021bia men\u021bine o re\u021bea complex\u0103 de acorduri bilaterale. Turcia are o uniune vamal\u0103 cu UE. Regatul Unit a stabilit o rela\u021bie mai distant\u0103 \u00een urma Brexitului.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Europa func\u021bioneaz\u0103 deja pe baza unor cercuri care se suprapun, alc\u0103tuite din drepturi, obliga\u021bii \u0219i participare institu\u021bional\u0103. Ceea ce \u00eei lipse\u0219te este voin\u021ba de a recunoa\u0219te aceast\u0103 realitate ca pe un principiu politic stabil.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Nu este vorba chiar de o \u201eEuropa cu viteze diferite\u201d. Aceast\u0103 expresie presupune c\u0103 fiecare \u021bar\u0103 se \u00eendreapt\u0103 spre aceea\u0219i destina\u021bie, chiar dac\u0103 \u00eentr-un ritm diferit. Islanda nu avanseaz\u0103 \u00eencet spre aderare. Ea a ales o alt\u0103 destina\u021bie. Norvegia nu-\u0219i a\u0219teapt\u0103 r\u00e2ndul. Nici Elve\u021bia.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Ar fi mai corect s\u0103 vorbim despre o Europ\u0103 alc\u0103tuit\u0103 din mai multe straturi.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u00cen centrul s\u0103u ar putea r\u0103m\u00e2ne un grup de state care urm\u0103resc o integrare politic\u0103, monetar\u0103 \u0219i fiscal\u0103 mai profund\u0103. \u00cen jurul acestora s-ar afla al\u021bi membri care beneficiaz\u0103 de derog\u0103ri permanente \u00een anumite domenii. Dincolo de ace\u0219tia s-ar putea afla o comunitate economic\u0103 \u0219i de securitate compus\u0103 din \u021b\u0103ri care accept\u0103 anumite obliga\u021bii f\u0103r\u0103 a adera pe deplin la institu\u021biile politice ale Uniunii. \u00cen cele din urm\u0103, UE ar putea stabili parteneriate specifice cu state str\u00e2ns legate de Europa din motive economice sau strategice.<\/p>\n<h3 style=\"font-weight: 400;\"><strong>O alternativ\u0103 pentru o Uniune mai mare \u0219i mai divers\u0103<\/strong><\/h3>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Un astfel de model ar putea fi deosebit de util \u00een contextul \u00een care Uniunea se confrunt\u0103 cu limitele unei noi extinderi. O Uniune European\u0103 cu peste treizeci de state nu poate pretinde, \u00een mod plauzibil, niveluri identice de integrare din partea unor \u021b\u0103ri cu istorii, economii, preocup\u0103ri \u00een materie de securitate \u0219i culturi politice profund diferite.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Portugalia \u0219i Polonia nu privesc lumea atlantic\u0103 din aceea\u0219i perspectiv\u0103. Finlanda \u0219i Spania nu se confrunt\u0103 cu acela\u0219i context de securitate. Irlanda, Grecia, Ungaria \u0219i Estonia nu au interese economice sau demografice care s\u0103 poat\u0103 fi considerate echivalente.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Institu\u021biile uniformizate nu elimin\u0103 aceste diferen\u021be. Adesea, ele nu fac dec\u00e2t s\u0103 transfere conflictele rezultate la un nivel la care corectarea democratic\u0103 devine mai dificil\u0103.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">O structur\u0103 cu mai multe niveluri ar putea extinde cooperarea european\u0103 f\u0103r\u0103 ca fiecare parteneriat s\u0103 devin\u0103 un argument automat \u00een favoarea unei eventuale ader\u0103ri sau a unei centraliz\u0103ri sporite. De asemenea, ar putea pune cap\u0103t falsei dileme dintre izolarea na\u021bional\u0103 \u0219i supunerea fa\u021b\u0103 de o uniune tot mai str\u00e2ns\u0103.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Fiecare \u021bar\u0103 ar putea adopta un nivel stabil de integrare, adaptat intereselor \u0219i preferin\u021belor sale democratice. Totu\u0219i, costurile asociate fiec\u0103rui nivel ar trebui prezentate \u00een mod sincer. Accesul la pia\u021ba unic\u0103 ar presupune acceptarea unor norme comune, a unor contribu\u021bii financiare \u0219i a unor mecanisme de supraveghere. O autonomie mai mare ar veni \u00een schimbul unei puteri decizionale reduse.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Exemplul islandez demonstreaz\u0103 tocmai c\u0103 nu exist\u0103 solu\u021bii miraculoase.<\/p>\n<h3 style=\"font-weight: 400;\"><strong>Lec\u021bia britanic\u0103<\/strong><\/h3>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Regatul Unit ar putea g\u0103si noi oportunit\u0103\u021bi \u00een cadrul unui astfel de sistem. O rela\u021bie inspirat\u0103 de modelul SEE ar putea restabili un acces mai larg la pia\u021ba european\u0103, f\u0103r\u0103 a fi necesar\u0103 readmiterea oficial\u0103 \u00een Uniune.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u00cen schimb, Marea Britanie ar trebui s\u0103 accepte libera circula\u021bie, un volum considerabil de legisla\u021bie a UE, contribu\u021bii financiare \u0219i supraveghere institu\u021bional\u0103. Nu \u0219i-ar rec\u0103p\u0103ta dreptul de vot cu privire la normele pe care ar fi obligat\u0103 s\u0103 le respecte.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Cu alte cuvinte, s-ar ajunge la o situa\u021bie extrem de asem\u0103n\u0103toare cu tot ceea ce sus\u021bin\u0103torii Brexitului au promis c\u0103 vor evita. Ar fi ironic dac\u0103 punctul culminant al suveranit\u0103\u021bii britanice ar consta \u00een respectarea normelor europene f\u0103r\u0103 a participa la adoptarea lor.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">O Europ\u0103 cu mai multe niveluri ar oferi Regatului Unit mai multe alternative, dar nu ar elimina consecin\u021bele Brexitului. Londra nu poate pretinde \u00een mod rezonabil s\u0103 beneficieze simultan de acces, influen\u021b\u0103 \u0219i derog\u0103ri. Cu c\u00e2t rela\u021bia sa cu pia\u021ba european\u0103 este mai str\u00e2ns\u0103, cu at\u00e2t sunt mai mari obliga\u021biile care decurg din aceasta.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Geografia Marii Britanii nu s-a schimbat \u00een 2016. Orice \u00eencercare serioas\u0103 de a aprofunda rela\u021biile economice cu Europa va impune \u021b\u0103rii s\u0103 fac\u0103 fa\u021b\u0103 compromisurilor pe care campania pentru Brexit s-a str\u0103duit at\u00e2t de mult s\u0103 le ascund\u0103.<\/p>\n<h3 style=\"font-weight: 400;\"><strong>Oportunitatea atlantic\u0103 a Canadei \u0219i a Europei<\/strong><\/h3>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">O ordine european\u0103 cu mai multe niveluri nu trebuie s\u0103 se limiteze la grani\u021bele geografice ale continentului. Modul \u00een care Donald Trump trateaz\u0103 alia\u021bii tradi\u021bionali \u2014 \u0219i, \u00een special, Canada \u2014 a f\u0103cut ca formele intermediare de aliniere interna\u021bional\u0103 s\u0103 devin\u0103 din ce \u00een ce mai relevante.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Canada nu se poate al\u0103tura SEE, care a fost conceput pentru statele membre europene ale Asocia\u021biei Europene a Comer\u021bului Liber. Ar putea \u00eens\u0103 s\u0103 dezvolte o rela\u021bie mult mai str\u00e2ns\u0103 cu UE \u00een domeniile ap\u0103r\u0103rii, energiei, tehnologiei, mineralelor critice, infrastructurii strategice \u0219i mobilit\u0103\u021bii. Acordul economic \u0219i comercial cuprinz\u0103tor (CETA) ofer\u0103 deja o baz\u0103 pe care s-ar putea extinde o astfel de cooperare.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Acest lucru ar conferi proiectului european o dimensiune atlantic\u0103 care s\u0103 se extind\u0103 dincolo de grani\u021bele sale oficiale. O rela\u021bie mai str\u00e2ns\u0103 cu Canada ar contribui, de asemenea, la transformarea UE dintr-o entitate aflat\u0103 \u00eentr-o situa\u021bie de dependen\u021b\u0103 normativ\u0103, prins\u0103 \u00eentre Statele Unite \u0219i China, \u00eentr-o putere medie de seam\u0103, cu propria re\u021bea de parteneri strategici.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Un astfel de aranjament nu ar transforma Canada \u00eentr-o \u021bar\u0103 european\u0103 \u0219i nici nu i-ar acorda dreptul de a participa la institu\u021biile destinate statelor europene. Tocmai aceasta este esen\u021ba unui model pe mai multe niveluri: \u021b\u0103rile ar putea coopera str\u00e2ns \u00een anumite domenii, f\u0103r\u0103 a pretinde c\u0103 fiecare rela\u021bie trebuie s\u0103 culmineze cu aderarea la UE.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Nevoia tot mai mare a Canadei de a-\u0219i diversifica rela\u021biile strategice creeaz\u0103 o oportunitate pe care Europa nu ar trebui s\u0103 o ignore. UE ar putea atrage un aliat occidental apropiat \u00een sfera sa economic\u0103 \u0219i de securitate f\u0103r\u0103 a recurge la fic\u021biunea juridic\u0103 a unei ader\u0103ri viitoare.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">O Europ\u0103 cu mai multe niveluri nu s-ar orienta, a\u0219adar, doar spre est sau spre Balcani, ci \u0219i spre Atlanticul de Nord \u2014 ceea ce ar putea-o pune \u00een concuren\u021b\u0103 direct\u0103 cu ambi\u021biile americane \u00een emisfera vestic\u0103.<\/p>\n<h3 style=\"font-weight: 400;\"><strong>Ucraina \u0219i tenta\u021bia sinuciga\u0219\u0103 a unei extinderi f\u0103r\u0103 sf\u00e2r\u0219it<\/strong><\/h3>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">O Europ\u0103 cu mai multe niveluri ar putea fi totu\u0219i folosit\u0103 \u00een mod iresponsabil. Poate c\u0103 cel mai clar \u2014 \u0219i, din p\u0103cate, cel mai plauzibil \u2014 exemplu ar fi inventarea unei pseudo-ader\u0103ri a Ucrainei, ca etap\u0103 preliminar\u0103 c\u0103tre statutul de membru cu drepturi depline.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Dorin\u021ba Ucrainei de a se alinia Occidentului este de \u00een\u021beles. Aceasta lupt\u0103 pentru supravie\u021buire \u00eempotriva Rusiei \u0219i consider\u0103 c\u0103 aderarea la institu\u021biile occidentale reprezint\u0103 o garan\u021bie a independen\u021bei \u0219i securit\u0103\u021bii sale. \u00cens\u0103 ceea ce este ra\u021bional din perspectiva Kievului nu este neap\u0103rat ra\u021bional din perspectiva Europei.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Aducerea Ucrainei \u00een Uniunea European\u0103 ar \u00eensemna introducerea, \u00een inima ordinii politice europene, a unui conflict teritorial nerezolvat, a unor costuri imense de reconstruc\u021bie, a unei sl\u0103biciuni institu\u021bionale, a unui colaps demografic, a unor perturb\u0103ri \u00een sectorul agricol \u0219i a unei confrunt\u0103ri permanente cu Rusia. De asemenea, ar transforma orice escaladare viitoare la grani\u021bele Ucrainei \u00eentr-o criz\u0103 intern\u0103 european\u0103.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Pentru UE, demersurile \u00een vederea ader\u0103rii Ucrainei nu ar reprezenta un act de curaj strategic. Ar putea echivala cu o sinucidere strategic\u0103.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Europa poate sus\u021bine suveranitatea Ucrainei, poate desf\u0103\u0219ura schimburi comerciale cu aceasta, poate contribui la reconstruc\u021bie, poate coopera \u00een domeniul energetic \u0219i poate oferi asisten\u021b\u0103 \u00een materie de securitate, dar nu o poate admite \u00een Uniune. Solidaritatea nu presupune aderarea, la fel cum opozi\u021bia fa\u021b\u0103 de agresiunea rus\u0103 nu impune Europei s\u0103 \u00ee\u0219i asume obliga\u021bii nelimitate \u0219i permanente.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Un sistem cu mai multe niveluri ar trebui, prin urmare, s\u0103 ofere Ucrainei un parteneriat extern bine definit, \u00een loc de o cale deghizat\u0103 c\u0103tre aderare. Distinc\u021bia este esen\u021bial\u0103. Integrarea treptat\u0103 nu trebuie s\u0103 devin\u0103 un instrument retoric prin care liderii europeni s\u0103 promoveze o politic\u0103 pe care cet\u0103\u021benii nu au dezb\u0103tut-o niciodat\u0103 \u00een mod serios \u0219i ale c\u0103rei consecin\u021be abia au \u00eenceput s\u0103 le evalueze.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Scopul unui cadru european flexibil ar trebui s\u0103 fie acela de a stabili limite durabile, nu de a ascunde lipsa acestora.<\/p>\n<h3 style=\"font-weight: 400;\"><strong>Turcia \u0219i importan\u021ba unei rela\u021bii bazate pe onestitate<\/strong><\/h3>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Turcia prezint\u0103 o problem\u0103 asem\u0103n\u0103toare, dar totu\u0219i diferit\u0103. Candidatura sa, care dureaz\u0103 de zeci de ani, a men\u021binut iluzia convergen\u021bei, \u00een ciuda dovezilor tot mai numeroase privind divergen\u021bele politice \u0219i strategice.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Un sistem pe mai multe niveluri ar putea \u00eenlocui aceast\u0103 fic\u021biune cu o rela\u021bie mai sincer\u0103, bazat\u0103 pe comer\u021b, securitate, migra\u021bie \u0219i interese regionale comune. Turcia ar putea r\u0103m\u00e2ne un partener european important, f\u0103r\u0103 ca vreuna dintre p\u0103r\u021bi s\u0103 pretind\u0103 c\u0103 aderarea cu drepturi depline este iminent\u0103.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Acela\u0219i principiu ar trebui s\u0103 se aplice \u0219i \u00een cazul Ucrainei. Nu orice vecin cu importan\u021b\u0103 strategic\u0103 trebuie s\u0103 devin\u0103 membru, iar nu orice refuz al ader\u0103rii \u00eenseamn\u0103 abandon. Uneori, un parteneriat durabil \u00een afara Uniunii este o op\u021biune mai responsabil\u0103 dec\u00e2t un proces de aderare determinat de sentimente, de panic\u0103 geopolitic\u0103 sau de iner\u021bie institu\u021bional\u0103.<\/p>\n<h3 style=\"font-weight: 400;\"><strong>O uniune cu partenerii din zona Atlanticului&#8230; \u0219i frontiere care pot fi ap\u0103rate<\/strong><\/h3>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Referendumul din Islanda indic\u0103 o ordine european\u0103 alc\u0103tuit\u0103 din mai multe niveluri: Uniunea European\u0103 \u00eens\u0103\u0219i, statele membre ale acesteia cu excep\u021bii permanente, Spa\u021biul Economic European (SEE), acorduri bilaterale precum cel cu Elve\u021bia, uniunea vamal\u0103 cu Turcia \u0219i parteneriate strategice externe.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Canada ar putea deveni un partener important din regiunea Atlanticului \u00een cadrul acestei constela\u021bii mai largi. Ucrainei \u0219i Turciei li s-ar putea oferi rela\u021bii substan\u021biale, dar \u00een mod clar externe. Marea Britanie ar putea negocia un acces mai str\u00e2ns dac\u0103 ar accepta obliga\u021biile corespunz\u0103toare. Islanda \u0219i Norvegia ar putea s\u0103-\u0219i men\u021bin\u0103 echilibrul actual \u00eentre integrare \u0219i autonomie.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Aceasta nu ar fi o Europ\u0103 cu viteze diferite, deoarece nu toate \u021b\u0103rile s-ar \u00eendrepta spre aceea\u0219i destina\u021bie. Ar fi o Europ\u0103 capabil\u0103 s\u0103 fac\u0103 distinc\u021bia \u00eentre statutul de membru \u0219i cel de partener \u2014 \u0219i \u00eentre cooperare \u0219i absorb\u021bie.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Pentru ca un astfel de model s\u0103 func\u021bioneze, UE ar trebui s\u0103 renun\u021be la presupunerea c\u0103 orice rela\u021bie str\u00e2ns\u0103 reprezint\u0103 un proces de aderare neterminat. Integrarea trebuie s\u0103 poat\u0103 fi oprit\u0103. O \u021bar\u0103 ar trebui s\u0103 poat\u0103 coopera str\u00e2ns cu Europa f\u0103r\u0103 a i se spune c\u0103 istoria \u00eei impune, \u00een cele din urm\u0103, s\u0103 adere la aceea\u0219i structur\u0103 politic\u0103.<\/p>\n<h3 style=\"font-weight: 400;\"><strong>Unitatea nu \u00eenseamn\u0103 uniformitate<\/strong><\/h3>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">R\u0103spunsul negativ al Islandei nu demonstreaz\u0103 c\u0103 na\u021biunile europene trebuie s\u0103-\u0219i rec\u00e2\u0219tige independen\u021ba fa\u021b\u0103 de Bruxelles. Islanda este deja profund integrat\u0103 \u00een ordinea economic\u0103 \u0219i juridic\u0103 european\u0103. Nici nu dovede\u0219te c\u0103 statutul de membru al UE este neap\u0103rat superior: islandezii au ajuns la concluzia c\u0103 p\u0103strarea controlului asupra pescuitului \u0219i a altor domenii compenseaz\u0103 lipsa dreptului lor de vot \u00een privin\u021ba multor norme ale pie\u021bei unice.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Lec\u021bia este mai modest\u0103, dar \u0219i mai util\u0103. Europa poate accepta diferite forme de integrare f\u0103r\u0103 a considera fiecare excep\u021bie ca pe un e\u0219ec sau fiecare rela\u021bie extern\u0103 ca pe o etap\u0103 temporar\u0103 pe calea c\u0103tre aderare.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Aceste alternative trebuie \u00eens\u0103 descrise cu sinceritate. O \u021bar\u0103 care particip\u0103 la pia\u021ba unic\u0103 f\u0103r\u0103 a face parte din Uniune nu scap\u0103 de normele europene: le aplic\u0103, dar are mai pu\u021bin\u0103 putere de a le modela. Prezentarea acestui aranjament ca pe o mare victorie a suveranit\u0103\u021bii presupune ascunderea celei mai importante p\u0103r\u021bi a \u00een\u021belegerii.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Islanda nu a respins Europa. A ales o modalitate specific\u0103 de a face parte din aceasta, cu avantaje \u0219i costuri clar identificabile. Decizia sa nu pune sub semnul \u00eentreb\u0103rii valoarea integr\u0103rii europene. Ea arat\u0103 c\u0103 aceast\u0103 integrare este deja organizat\u0103 pe mai multe niveluri.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Europa are nevoie de flexibilitatea necesar\u0103 pentru a apropia anumite \u021b\u0103ri. De asemenea, are nevoie de \u00eencrederea necesar\u0103 pentru a decide unde trebuie s\u0103 se opreasc\u0103 extinderea.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Europa are nevoie de unitate, dar nu neap\u0103rat de uniformitate. Tocmai de aceea trebuie s\u0103 \u00eenceteze s\u0103 mai confunde diversitatea institu\u021bional\u0103 cu e\u0219ecul politic.<\/p>\n<\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Nici o \u00eenfr\u00e2ngere european\u0103, nici o victorie a suveranismului Referendumul islandez a fost interpretat ca o nou\u0103 etap\u0103 \u00een lupta f\u0103r\u0103 sf\u00e2r\u0219it dintre eurofili \u0219i eurosceptici. Pentru cei dint\u00e2i, decizia de a nu redeschide negocierile de aderare reprezint\u0103 o \u00eenfr\u00e2ngere pentru proiectul european. Pentru cei din urm\u0103 \u2013 mul\u021bi dintre ei autoproclama\u021bi \u201epatrio\u021bi\u201d \u2013 aceasta [&hellip;]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":76,"featured_media":63316,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[263,160],"tags":[3501,72,2009,1864],"editorial-positions":[],"regions":[346,406],"types":[],"class_list":["post-63675","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-legal-ro","category-politica","tag-accession","tag-iceland","tag-integration","tag-referendum","regions-northern-europe-ro","regions-world-ro"],"yoast_head":"<!-- This site is optimized with the Yoast SEO plugin v28.0 - https:\/\/yoast.com\/product\/yoast-seo-wordpress\/ -->\n<title>Unitate f\u0103r\u0103 uniformitate: Ce \u00eenseamn\u0103 referendumul din Islanda pentru Europa - The Conservative<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/www.theconservative.online\/ro\/unitate-fara-uniformitate-ce-inseamna-referendumul-din-islanda-pentru-europa\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"ro_RO\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Unitate f\u0103r\u0103 uniformitate: Ce \u00eenseamn\u0103 referendumul din Islanda pentru Europa - The Conservative\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Nici o \u00eenfr\u00e2ngere european\u0103, nici o victorie a suveranismului Referendumul islandez a fost interpretat ca o nou\u0103 etap\u0103 \u00een lupta f\u0103r\u0103 sf\u00e2r\u0219it dintre eurofili \u0219i eurosceptici. Pentru cei dint\u00e2i, decizia de a nu redeschide negocierile de aderare reprezint\u0103 o \u00eenfr\u00e2ngere pentru proiectul european. Pentru cei din urm\u0103 \u2013 mul\u021bi dintre ei autoproclama\u021bi \u201epatrio\u021bi\u201d \u2013 aceasta [&hellip;]\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:url\" content=\"https:\/\/www.theconservative.online\/ro\/unitate-fara-uniformitate-ce-inseamna-referendumul-din-islanda-pentru-europa\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:site_name\" content=\"The Conservative\" \/>\n<meta property=\"article:published_time\" content=\"2026-09-04T16:08:54+00:00\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:image\" content=\"https:\/\/www.theconservative.online\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/09\/shutterstock_2376217179.jpg\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:width\" content=\"1000\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:height\" content=\"500\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:type\" content=\"image\/jpeg\" \/>\n<meta name=\"author\" content=\"Juan Soto\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:card\" content=\"summary_large_image\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:label1\" content=\"Scris de\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:data1\" content=\"Juan Soto\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:label2\" content=\"Timp estimat pentru citire\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:data2\" content=\"17 minute\" \/>\n<script type=\"application\/ld+json\" class=\"yoast-schema-graph\">{\"@context\":\"https:\\\/\\\/schema.org\",\"@graph\":[{\"@type\":\"Article\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.theconservative.online\\\/ro\\\/unitate-fara-uniformitate-ce-inseamna-referendumul-din-islanda-pentru-europa#article\",\"isPartOf\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.theconservative.online\\\/ro\\\/unitate-fara-uniformitate-ce-inseamna-referendumul-din-islanda-pentru-europa\"},\"author\":{\"name\":\"Juan Soto\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.theconservative.online\\\/ro#\\\/schema\\\/person\\\/2860fad425b8f27078a18cbbe663cda1\"},\"headline\":\"Unitate f\u0103r\u0103 uniformitate: Ce \u00eenseamn\u0103 referendumul din Islanda pentru Europa\",\"datePublished\":\"2026-09-04T16:08:54+00:00\",\"mainEntityOfPage\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.theconservative.online\\\/ro\\\/unitate-fara-uniformitate-ce-inseamna-referendumul-din-islanda-pentru-europa\"},\"wordCount\":3335,\"image\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.theconservative.online\\\/ro\\\/unitate-fara-uniformitate-ce-inseamna-referendumul-din-islanda-pentru-europa#primaryimage\"},\"thumbnailUrl\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.theconservative.online\\\/wp-content\\\/uploads\\\/2026\\\/09\\\/shutterstock_2376217179.jpg\",\"keywords\":[\"accession\",\"Iceland\",\"Integration\",\"referendum\"],\"articleSection\":[\"Legal\",\"Politic\u0103\"],\"inLanguage\":\"ro-RO\"},{\"@type\":\"WebPage\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.theconservative.online\\\/ro\\\/unitate-fara-uniformitate-ce-inseamna-referendumul-din-islanda-pentru-europa\",\"url\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.theconservative.online\\\/ro\\\/unitate-fara-uniformitate-ce-inseamna-referendumul-din-islanda-pentru-europa\",\"name\":\"Unitate f\u0103r\u0103 uniformitate: Ce \u00eenseamn\u0103 referendumul din Islanda pentru Europa - 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