{"id":37132,"date":"2024-12-31T06:23:10","date_gmt":"2024-12-31T06:23:10","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.theconservative.online\/willmoore-kendall-om-jamlikhet"},"modified":"2024-12-31T06:23:10","modified_gmt":"2024-12-31T06:23:10","slug":"willmoore-kendall-om-jamlikhet","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.theconservative.online\/sv\/willmoore-kendall-om-jamlikhet","title":{"rendered":"Willmoore Kendall om j\u00e4mlikhet"},"content":{"rendered":"<p>I en kort ess\u00e4 som publicerades under vintern 1964-1965 med titeln &#8221;Equality and the American Political Tradition&#8221; diskuterar den store konservative filosofen Willmoore Kendall fr\u00e5gan om j\u00e4mlikhet i Amerikas f\u00f6renta stater. Han konstaterar att sj\u00e4lvst\u00e4ndighetsf\u00f6rklaringen, som den allra f\u00f6rsta av de sanningar som folket i USA betraktar som sj\u00e4lvklara, sl\u00e5r fast att &#8221;alla m\u00e4nniskor \u00e4r skapade lika&#8221;. Denna uppenbara r\u00e4tt till j\u00e4mlikhet har dock en f\u00f6rsta svaghet. P\u00e5st\u00e5endet &#8221;alla m\u00e4nniskor \u00e4r skapade lika&#8221; hade, \u00e4ven i det \u00f6gonblick det uttalades, helt olika inneb\u00f6rd f\u00f6r olika personer. Professor Kendall identifierar \u00e5tminstone sex olika betydelser. F\u00f6r vissa betydde det bara att alla m\u00e4nniskor var skapade lika i Guds \u00f6gon. F\u00f6r andra betydde det att alla m\u00e4nniskor skapades med lika r\u00e4tt till r\u00e4ttvisa enligt g\u00e4llande lagar. F\u00f6r en annan grupp uttryckte det hoppet &#8211; och bara ett hopp &#8211; att den republik som skulle bildas skulle vara det land, det f\u00f6rsta landet av alla l\u00e4nder n\u00e5gonsin och \u00f6verallt, d\u00e4r m\u00e4nniskor skulle <em>bli<\/em> j\u00e4mlika, det vill s\u00e4ga uppn\u00e5 den j\u00e4mlikhet som \u00f6dmjuka och missgynnade m\u00e4n ofta har dr\u00f6mt dr\u00f6mmar om som andra m\u00e4n har kallat utopiska. Enligt en fj\u00e4rde tolkning kunde man hoppas att USA skulle vara ett land d\u00e4r oj\u00e4mlikheten mellan m\u00e4n skulle vara mindre uppenbar, mindre intimt f\u00f6rknippad med det vi kallar f\u00f6delseolyckan och mindre ben\u00e4gen att g\u00e5 i arv till senare generationer. Men det kan fortfarande finnas ytterligare en annan tolkning, n\u00e4mligen en f\u00f6rhoppning om att den nya republiken skulle vara en republik d\u00e4r m\u00e4n &#8211; vita m\u00e4n, och endast manliga m\u00e4n, inte kvinnliga m\u00e4n &#8211; skulle r\u00f6sta lika i \u00e5tminstone vissa val till offentliga \u00e4mbeten. Eller, som en sj\u00e4tte m\u00f6jlighet, hoppet om att USA skulle vara ett land d\u00e4r regeringen, det vill s\u00e4ga den politiska makten, skulle vidta \u00e5tg\u00e4rder f\u00f6r att g\u00f6ra m\u00e4n j\u00e4mst\u00e4llda; \u00e5tminstone h\u00e4nvisar professor Kendall till detta som en m\u00f6jlighet, kanske bara som en hypotes, eftersom det \u00e4r detsamma som kommunism. Det kan naturligtvis fortfarande finnas flera kombinationer av de f\u00f6rstn\u00e4mnda. Och \u00e4nd\u00e5 uppst\u00e5r ett andra problem med att betrakta en s\u00e5dan tvetydig j\u00e4mlikhet som en r\u00e4ttighet: det proklamerade f\u00f6rslaget i sj\u00e4lvst\u00e4ndighetsf\u00f6rklaringen n\u00e4mndes inte av f\u00f6rfattarna till Philadelphias konstitution. Och detta gjordes inte ens i ingressen, d\u00e4r de g\u00f6r en paus f\u00f6r att lista de syften f\u00f6r vilka USA:s folk utf\u00e4rdar och etablerar denna konstitution: en mer full\u00e4ndad union och frihetens och r\u00e4ttvisans v\u00e4lsignelser, bland annat &#8211; men utan n\u00e5got sp\u00e5r av j\u00e4mlikhet. N\u00e4r Madison under kongressens f\u00f6rsta session skrev Bill of Rights n\u00e4mnde han inte heller j\u00e4mst\u00e4lldhet. Kendall drar d\u00e4rf\u00f6r slutsatsen att j\u00e4mlikhetstanken f\u00f6rsvann fr\u00e5n USA:s viktigaste politiska dokument efter sj\u00e4lvst\u00e4ndighetsf\u00f6rklaringen. Den d\u00f6k upp igen efter inb\u00f6rdeskriget i det fjortonde till\u00e4gget, som \u00e5terinf\u00f6rde ordet &#8221;j\u00e4mlik&#8221; i nationens politiska vokabul\u00e4r. Men det h\u00e4nvisade uttryckligen till &#8221;lika skydd av lagarna&#8221;, vilket i sin tur kan betyda ett av tv\u00e5 alternativ. \u00c5 ena sidan kan det tolkas som att alla m\u00e4nniskor har r\u00e4tt till samma skydd av befintliga lagar; \u00e5 andra sidan kan alla m\u00e4nniskor ha r\u00e4tt till lagar som i sj\u00e4lva verket ger lika skydd \u00e5t alla. Endast den andra tolkningen skulle ge en m\u00e4nniska r\u00e4tt att g\u00e5 till domstol f\u00f6r att f\u00e5 en lag f\u00f6rklarad som grundlagsstridig f\u00f6r att den strider mot det fjortonde till\u00e4gget.<\/p>\n<p>En s\u00e5dan tolkning m\u00f6jligg\u00f6r, enligt professor Kendall, en juridisk revolution som H\u00f6gsta domstolen genomf\u00f6rde mot kongressen och delstaternas lagstiftande f\u00f6rsamlingar. H\u00f6gsta domstolen h\u00f6ll f\u00f6rst fast vid den f\u00f6rsta tolkningen under \u00e5rtionden, men fortsatte sedan att revidera och omtolka delstatslagar s\u00e5 att de i sj\u00e4lva verket gav lika skydd f\u00f6r alla och f\u00f6rbj\u00f6d diskriminering till f\u00f6rm\u00e5n f\u00f6r vissa personer och mot andra personer. V\u00e5r f\u00f6rfattare menar dock att en s\u00e5dan tolkning strider mot &#8211; och till och med implicit upph\u00e4ver &#8211; det tionde till\u00e4gget i konstitutionen, som f\u00f6rbjuder federala myndigheter att fatta beslut om r\u00f6str\u00e4tt, utbildning eller religion, d\u00e4r det uppenbarligen kan finnas fr\u00e5gor om j\u00e4mlikhet. K\u00e4lla till bilden: Rowman &amp; Littlefield <\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>I en kort ess\u00e4 som publicerades under vintern 1964-1965 med titeln &#8221;Equality and the American Political Tradition&#8221; diskuterar den store konservative filosofen Willmoore Kendall fr\u00e5gan om j\u00e4mlikhet i Amerikas f\u00f6renta stater. Han konstaterar att sj\u00e4lvst\u00e4ndighetsf\u00f6rklaringen, som den allra f\u00f6rsta av de sanningar som folket i USA betraktar som sj\u00e4lvklara, sl\u00e5r fast att &#8221;alla m\u00e4nniskor \u00e4r [&hellip;]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":44,"featured_media":36940,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[168],"tags":[],"editorial-positions":[],"regions":[374],"types":[453],"class_list":["post-37132","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-kultur","regions-usa-sv","types-opinion-sv"],"yoast_head":"<!-- This site is optimized with the Yoast SEO plugin v27.1.1 - https:\/\/yoast.com\/product\/yoast-seo-wordpress\/ -->\n<title>Willmoore Kendall om j\u00e4mlikhet - The Conservative<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/www.theconservative.online\/sv\/willmoore-kendall-om-jamlikhet\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"sv_SE\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Willmoore Kendall om j\u00e4mlikhet - The Conservative\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"I en kort ess\u00e4 som publicerades under vintern 1964-1965 med titeln &#8221;Equality and the American Political Tradition&#8221; diskuterar den store konservative filosofen Willmoore Kendall fr\u00e5gan om j\u00e4mlikhet i Amerikas f\u00f6renta stater. Han konstaterar att sj\u00e4lvst\u00e4ndighetsf\u00f6rklaringen, som den allra f\u00f6rsta av de sanningar som folket i USA betraktar som sj\u00e4lvklara, sl\u00e5r fast att &#8221;alla m\u00e4nniskor \u00e4r [&hellip;]\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:url\" content=\"https:\/\/www.theconservative.online\/sv\/willmoore-kendall-om-jamlikhet\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:site_name\" content=\"The Conservative\" \/>\n<meta property=\"article:published_time\" content=\"2024-12-31T06:23:10+00:00\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:image\" content=\"https:\/\/www.theconservative.online\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/12\/9780819190673.jpg\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:width\" content=\"315\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:height\" content=\"488\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:type\" content=\"image\/jpeg\" \/>\n<meta name=\"author\" content=\"Ana Toledano\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:card\" content=\"summary_large_image\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:label1\" content=\"Skriven av\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:data1\" content=\"Ana Toledano\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:label2\" content=\"Ber\u00e4knad l\u00e4stid\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:data2\" content=\"4 minuter\" \/>\n<script type=\"application\/ld+json\" class=\"yoast-schema-graph\">{\"@context\":\"https:\/\/schema.org\",\"@graph\":[{\"@type\":\"Article\",\"@id\":\"https:\/\/www.theconservative.online\/sv\/willmoore-kendall-om-jamlikhet#article\",\"isPartOf\":{\"@id\":\"https:\/\/www.theconservative.online\/sv\/willmoore-kendall-om-jamlikhet\"},\"author\":{\"name\":\"Ana Toledano\",\"@id\":\"https:\/\/www.theconservative.online\/sv#\/schema\/person\/858c7347bed79812f167ed9728bf6c19\"},\"headline\":\"Willmoore Kendall om j\u00e4mlikhet\",\"datePublished\":\"2024-12-31T06:23:10+00:00\",\"mainEntityOfPage\":{\"@id\":\"https:\/\/www.theconservative.online\/sv\/willmoore-kendall-om-jamlikhet\"},\"wordCount\":792,\"image\":{\"@id\":\"https:\/\/www.theconservative.online\/sv\/willmoore-kendall-om-jamlikhet#primaryimage\"},\"thumbnailUrl\":\"https:\/\/www.theconservative.online\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/12\/9780819190673.jpg\",\"articleSection\":[\"Kultur\"],\"inLanguage\":\"sv-SE\"},{\"@type\":\"WebPage\",\"@id\":\"https:\/\/www.theconservative.online\/sv\/willmoore-kendall-om-jamlikhet\",\"url\":\"https:\/\/www.theconservative.online\/sv\/willmoore-kendall-om-jamlikhet\",\"name\":\"Willmoore Kendall om j\u00e4mlikhet - 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