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Illegal migration to the European Union has become over the last decade a real problem and a particularly sensitive and complex issue for the governments of member countries, involving multiple dimensions: legal, social, political, economic and humanitarian. The phenomenon of migration is fueled by a number of external factors: armed conflicts (Russia-Ukraine, Israel-Gaza Strip), political instability (Syria, Libya), climate change, extreme poverty – but also by internal factors such as the lack of a common and effective European policy on migration and asylum. The European Union, despite considerable institutional and financial efforts, remains divided between border states (Greece, Italy, Spain, Bulgaria), preferred destination countries (Germany, France, Sweden, the Netherlands) and reluctant countries (Poland, Hungary, the Czech Republic).
Greece in the summer of 2025, a recent example of a regional crisis with a European impact
Crete, one of Greece’s best-known islands, has faced an alarming increase in the number of migrants arriving from Libya in recent months. This phenomenon is perceived by the authorities in Athens as a form of indirect pressure from Libya on the European Union. In this tense context, the Greek government has announced a series of restrictive measures that have sparked controversy among international law experts.
At the height of the tourist season, the flow of migrants crossing the Mediterranean Sea from Libya to southern Crete and the island of Gavdos has increased significantly. At the beginning of July, in just one week, some 1,500 migrants were rescued by the Greek coastguard off Crete. Libya, some 350 kilometers away, appears to be their main point of departure.
Local authorities are overwhelmed. In the ports of Chania, Rethymno and Heraklion, hundreds of migrants sit in the scorching sun (with temperatures reaching 40 degrees in the shade) in the absence of adequate facilities. About 500 of them were recently resettled in the port of Lavrio, near Athens.
New law suspends asylum applications for North African migrants
The executive led by Kyriakos Mitsotakis has decided to suspend the processing of asylum applications for migrants from Libya for at least three months. The authorities also plan to set up a new migrant center on the island of Crete. Under the draft legislation, migrants will be detained immediately upon arrival without the possibility to apply for asylum, and after three months they will be fast-tracked for repatriation. This measure is seen by analysts as incompatible with international treaties and EU rules on fundamental rights and fair asylum procedures. Several experts expect Greece to face sanctions from the European institutions. The measures imposed by the government led by Kyriakos Mitsotakis come amid growing discontent in Greek society and among the opposition, which is criticizing the government’s handling of the migration crisis. Some argue that the new regulations are meant to distract public attention from other domestic issues, such as the recent scandal over EU farm funds or the lack of accountability in the Tempi train crash.
Gavdos – an island with limited resources
The island of Gavdos, 35 kilometers south of Crete, is under constant pressure from people arriving here from North Africa. About 20% of all migrants to Greece pass through this territory. The island’s infrastructure is poorly developed and water supplies are limited, so local authorities are calling for migrants to be transferred to other regions as quickly as possible. Logistical support is temporarily provided by the Greek Ministry of Migration and Frontex vessels.
In addition to opposition from human rights organizations, which denounce the measure (applied to migrants in Gavdos and Crete) as inhumane and illegal, there is discontent even among members of the ruling party. In addition, representatives of Crete’s tourism sector fear that the island’s image could be damaged by the presence of migrant camps, which would lead to a drop in tourist interest in Crete. The numerous local protests reflect the lack of a clear vision on the part of the authorities on how to tackle the problem.
Greece-Libya diplomatic tensions
The European Commission has recently been informed about the legislative changes and has expressed a cautious attitude given the geopolitical implications. Libyan leader Khalifa Haftar is allegedly using migration as a means of pressure to gain international recognition. Recently, an EU delegation, including migration commissioner Markus Brunner and officials from Italy and Greece, was expelled from Benghazi. Prime Minister Mitsotakis announced in parliament that Greece will no longer accept asylum applications from migrants arriving illegally from North Africa.
“The crossing to Greece is closed,” he said, warning that smugglers were cheating their customers.
According to the government, migrant arrivals by sea in Crete and Gavdos have topped 7,300 since the start of this year, a significant increase compared with around 5,000 in the whole of last year. According to Greek authorities, the migrants come mainly from countries such as Libya, Sudan, Egypt and Bangladesh.
Earlier this month, on the 9th of July, more than 500 migrants were rescued from drowning near the island of Gavdos. Greece has also recently deployed two frigates and stepped up naval patrols near Libyan waters in an attempt to discourage migrant boats from approaching Greek territory. In a recent incident, a Frontex vessel sank during a rescue mission in the Aegean Sea near the island of Lesbos. The crew was rescued and the search for the missing migrants continued for days.
General context of irregular migration in the European Union (2020-2025)
Illegal migration is defined under international and European law as the movement of a person to a foreign country without complying with the legal rules on entry, stay or economic and social activity. It is to be distinguished from legal migration (which involves holding a visa, work permit, etc.) and refugees (people fleeing war or persecution by governments of countries and seeking international protection under the Geneva Convention). A question on everyone’s lips and one that needs many answers from those who steer the EU’s destiny is: What causes illegal migration and how can it be stopped? In the period 2020-2025, the main drivers of illegal migration to the EU were armed conflicts (Syria, Sudan, Yemen, Libya), political instability (Afghanistan, Somalia, Mali), extreme poverty and lack of economic opportunities (increasingly common in Sub-Saharan African countries), human trafficking networks and illegally facilitated migration, climate change, drought and desertification in the Sahel and Horn of Africa.
It is known that there are four main routes of illegal migration to the European Union:
Central Mediterranean route – this is one of the most dangerous and at the same time the most utilized route, connecting Libya, Tunisia and Egypt with southern Italy (Lampedusa, Sicily, Calabria). In 2023 alone, more than 150,000 migrants used this route to cross the Mediterranean, and more than 2,500 lost their lives in Mediterranean waters. A business that has begun to flourish is being exploited by networks of smugglers who take advantage of the instability in Libya by organizing crossings with makeshift boats. This has often led to loss of life.
Eastern Mediterranean route. This route involves the movement of migrants from Turkey to Greece (especially the Aegean islands) or Bulgaria (recently admitted to the Schengen area). Although migrant flows have been reduced on the Eastern Mediterranean route since the 2016 EU-Turkey agreement, they have intensified since 2022, especially through the islands of Samos, Lesbos and Kos.
Balkan route. After entering Greece, Bulgaria or Serbia, migrants continue on foot or with the help of smuggling networks through Northern Macedonia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia and Hungary, with Austria, Germany or Sweden (countries with a social policy that attracts migrants) as their destination.
Atlantic (West African) route. This route starts in Senegal, Mauritania or Gambia and leads to the Canary Islands (Spain). It was particularly active in the period 2020-2021, with more than 20,000 arrivals per year, despite the major risks caused by long sea distances and ocean navigation with unsuitable boats.
Countries of entry and distribution of migrants at EU level
Countries such as Italy, Greece, Spain, Bulgaria and Malta are the main points of access (first entry) to the European Union. Due to their geographical position, these countries face major pressures on their reception infrastructure and administrative capacity to handle asylum applications. The countries preferred by migrants are not the first EU countries they arrive in. Although most migrants enter mainly through southern Europe, the majority of migrants target countries such as Germany (due to its strong economy and asylum system), France (existing migrant communities), the Nordic countries (Sweden, Norway, the Netherlands – for high social standards), Belgium and Austria. The motivations are diverse: the existence of relatives, generous social services, access to work, high standard of living, but also the reputation of a fair and non-discriminatory administration.
European migration and asylum policies
In 2020, the European Commission proposed a new pact, the “EU Pact on Migration and Asylum”, which foresaw: a flexible solidarity mechanism between Member States, acceleration of asylum procedures at the border, mechanisms for the rapid return of those who do not obtain refugee status, additional funds for frontline states (Italy, Greece, Spain, Bulgaria). However, the pact has not yet been fully adopted and opposition from the Visegrad Group states has been strong.
The Frontex agency plays a key role in patrolling external borders, but has often been criticized for its lack of transparency and involvement in illegal practices (“pushbacks”). In 2024-2025, Frontex has increased its presence in the Mediterranean and on the Balkan border. In 2022 and 2023, Italy received over 200,000 migrants through Lampedusa. The government led by Georgia Meloni has introduced tough control policies, including seizing ships of NGOs rescuing migrants. The Italian government has also signed readmission agreements with Tunisia and Egypt. Spain, although affected by the Atlantic and Western Mediterranean routes, has implemented voluntary resettlement policies and invested in cooperation with Morocco. Ceuta and Melilla, however, saw serious incidents in 2021 and 2022, when hundreds of migrants died trying to scale border fences. Poland was hit by the artificial border crisis with Belarus. In 2021-2022, the Lukashenko regime facilitated the passage of migrants from the Middle East to the borders of Poland, Lithuania and Latvia. The crisis was perceived as hybrid aggression and the EU’s prompt response included sanctions against Belarus.
Major challenges and EU perspectives on migration
At EU level, we can see a lack of a mandatory common resettlement mechanism, lack of infrastructure and resources in the countries of entry, the manipulation of migration by authoritarian regimes as a geopolitical weapon, increasingly sophisticated human trafficking networks. What could be possible solutions? Creating a common European asylum agency, strengthening external missions in countries of origin (Africa, Middle East), development and investment programs in source countries, resuming negotiations on an EU migration pact. Yet illegal migration in the European Union remains one of the most pressing challenges of the last decade. Cases like Greece this summer or Lampedusa in 2023 reflect a harsh reality: Europe is still vulnerable, divided and unprepared to manage this phenomenon coherently. Lack of solidarity and diverging national policies fuel populism and weaken the European project. A common, balanced, solidarity-based policy anchored in respect for fundamental rights is no longer just an option but a vital necessity for the future of the European Union.
Seen from the perspective of conservative politics, illegal migration is not just an administrative or logistical problem, but an existential challenge to the identity, sovereignty and social cohesion of EU Member States. Conservative ideology emphasizes traditional values, the nation-state as a historical form of organization, cultural continuity and the responsibility of each government to protect its citizens and its national territory.
Representatives of European conservative parties have repeatedly warned that the lack of control over borders, combined with the multiculturalist ideology promoted by some European governments and institutions, has led to the fragmentation of the identity of some societies, increased ghettoization and ethnic tensions, and a vulnerability of internal security. It is no coincidence that conservative or right-wing parties have consistently opposed mandatory migrant resettlement quotas imposed from Brussels as violating the principles of national sovereignty and democratic accountability.
From this point of view, illegal migration must be combated by: Strengthening the EU’s external borders and regaining control over them, firmly refusing any coercive resettlement mechanisms, protecting European cultural identity by integrating migrants only insofar as they respect the values, language and norms of the host societies, solutions in the countries of origin to prevent emigration through conditional economic support and combating human trafficking. In the conservative view, solidarity should not mean imposing uniformity, but recognizing the right of each state to defend its model of society and to decide sovereignly who has the right to enter, live and benefit from its public resources. The real reform of European migration policy, from a conservative perspective, begins with reaffirming borders, strengthening the authority of the state and recognizing that defending European civilization is not an act of xenophobia, but of historical responsibility.