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In recent years, we have witnessed a progressive shift in global geopolitical balances. At the centre of this process are Russia and China: players who, despite their divergent interests in certain areas, are shaping the lines of a strategic understanding aimed at scaling back Western hegemony. This is not simply a matter of military coordination or a tactical alliance on individual issues, but a broader project aimed at redefining international governance along multipolar lines, with Eurasia as a new centre of attraction. The Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), along with the BRICS and other parallel platforms, currently represents the main laboratory for this political and economic experiment, and it is in this context that the foundations for an anti-Atlantic alliance are being laid. While not formally declared, this alliance is manifested in the strategic choices of Moscow and Beijing, and in the convergence of other regional players such as India, Iran, and Turkey. The Shanghai Cooperation Organization, initially established as a tool for managing regional security, has progressively expanded its scope to include economic, energetic and cultural dimensions. With a population representing approximately 40% of the world’s total and a territory covering 80% of Eurasia, the SCO has become a privileged forum for strengthening ties and defining common strategies. The inclusion of countries such as India and Pakistan, as well as dialogue with Middle Eastern states such as Turkey, Iran, and Saudi Arabia, gives the organization an increasingly global character. The goal is not only to strengthen internal cooperation, but also to build a common front against Western interference in issues perceived as internal to the Eurasian space.
THE CRISIS OF THE ATLANTIC MODEL AND THE PUSH TOWARDS MULTIPOLARITY
To understand the reasons for the Eurasian rapprochement, we must begin with the relative decline of US leadership and the internal fractures within the Euro-Atlantic camp. Trade tensions, conflicts in the Middle East and Ukraine, as well as uncertainties over NATO’s security and enlargement policies, have eroded the West’s unity. In this scenario, Russia and China have found fertile ground to propose an alternative to the so-called “Cold War mentality,” a term used to describe the logic of opposing blocs and the systematic use of sanctions as a tool of political pressure. The narrative of multipolarity is not merely rhetorical: it reflects the desire to build an international order in which power is not concentrated in a single decision-making centre, but is distributed among multiple poles capable of balancing one another. Moscow and Beijing are drawing closer together for complementary reasons. Russia, isolated after the invasion of Ukraine and hit by a massive sanctions regime, sees China as an indispensable partner for circumventing Western restrictions and maintaining its trade channels, especially in the energy sector. China, for its part, needs Russia’s natural resources to support its own development and considers its alliance with Moscow a fundamental building block in the construction of a global order tailored to its interests. There are, however, elements of mistrust. Territorial and demographic rivalries persist in Siberia and Central Asia, while in the technological sphere, China tends to assume a dominant position, raising concerns in Moscow. Despite these latent tensions, the shared antagonism toward the United States and the Western system now appears stronger than the divisions.
ECONOMY AS A TOOL OF POWER
The most significant aspect of the convergence of Russia and China is not military, but economic. The growing interdependence between the two countries, manifested through trade in local currency and infrastructure investments related to the New Silk Road, represents a step toward the creation of an alternative economic system to the dollar-dominated one. Furthermore, integration with the BRICS expands the scope of this process. The combined economies of the SCO and BRICS now account for more than half of global gross domestic product, with energy and raw material resources sufficient to ensure significant autonomy. In this context, US protectionist policies, such as increased tariffs against India, are further pushing these countries into the Sino-Russian orbit. One of the pillars of the Eurasian alliance is the management of energy resources. The SCO countries hold significant shares of the world’s oil, natural gas, coal, and uranium reserves, as well as being emerging players in renewable energy. This gives the region a strategic position in the global energy market, while also reducing vulnerability to disruptions caused by external pressures. Energy cooperation is not limited to trade, but extends to the construction of infrastructure, oil and gas pipelines that redraw traditional routes, freeing themselves from Western-controlled channels. The energy dimension thus becomes a geopolitical weapon, capable of influencing the decisions of governments and businesses worldwide.
MILITARY AND STRATEGIC DIMENSION
Although the emphasis is on the economy, the military aspect cannot be overlooked. Russia and China, together with India and other SCO members, have the largest armies on the planet, totalling nearly five million troops. Furthermore, the combined nuclear arsenals of the countries involved exceed that of NATO, although a technological gap favouring the West remains. Joint exercises, arms supplies and the development of artificial intelligence technologies demonstrate the desire to strengthen strategic autonomy. However, more than preparing for direct conflict, these initiatives have a deterrent and symbolic function: they show the West that a credible and organized alternative to Atlantic hegemony exists. Another competitive front concerns technology. China, in particular, aims to bridge the gap with the West through massive investments in artificial intelligence, cybersecurity and telecommunications. The idea is that technological superiority could, in the medium term, offset the West’s current military advantage and give the Eurasian coalition primacy in this field as well. This strategy is part of a long-term vision: the gradual construction of an autonomous and competitive technological ecosystem is what is considered necessary, rather than an immediate confrontation.
INDIA, THE MIDDLE EAST, AND AFRICA AS NEW SPACES OF INFLUENCE
India is a special case. While maintaining ties with Washington and the West, it has chosen not to align itself with sanctions against Moscow and to continue trading oil and other resources with Russia. This position reflects its desire to defend its economic sovereignty while simultaneously positioning itself as an autonomous power within the new multipolar equilibrium. India’s role is crucial because it adds legitimacy to the Eurasian project. Its participation demonstrates that this is not an exclusively authoritarian alliance, or one based on revisionist regimes, but rather a broader front that includes emerging democracies interested in reducing dependence on the West. Eurasian cooperation is not limited to the continent, but it extends to Africa and the Middle East. Through infrastructure investments, energy agreements, and political support, Russia and China are building a network of alliances that directly challenges traditional European and US influence in these areas. The case of Iran is emblematic: its political support for and defense of its nuclear program is a clear signal of opposition to Western pressure.
IMLICATIONS FOR EUROPE
Europe finds itself in a particularly delicate position. On the one hand, it remains anchored to the Atlantic Alliance and dependent on the security guaranteed by the United States; on the other, it cannot ignore the opportunities offered by an expanding Eurasian market. Internal divisions, both political and economic, risk weakening Europe’s ability to develop a coherent strategy. In this context, pressure exerted by Russia and China, through energy, economic, and diplomatic means, could foster a progressive erosion of European unity, especially if some member countries choose to maintain privileged relations with Eurasia. The rapprochement between Russia and China, and more generally between the Eurasian powers, is not a passing phenomenon, but a structural transformation of the international balance of power. While not yet a formal alliance, economic, energetic and military coordination already poses a significant challenge to the Atlantic order. The prospect is of an increasingly multipolar world, in which the West can no longer unilaterally dictate the rules of the game. Whether this leads to a stable equilibrium or new forms of conflict will depend on the parties’ ability to manage their internal rivalries and prevent competition from turning into open conflict. What appears certain is that the center of gravity of the international system is progressively shifting from the Atlantic to Eurasia.