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An hour and a half at Palazzo Chigi to take stock of recent tensions, but above all to reopen a political channel. Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni received U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio in Rome for a meeting that both sides intended as a way to bring order back to relations between Italy and the United States after weeks of friction over Iran, the use of military bases, tariffs, and Donald Trump’s remarks against the Italian prime minister and Pope Leo XIV.
The meeting, according to the accounts released during the day, was described by Meloni as “productive and constructive.” The discussion touched on the main international dossiers: the Middle East, the Strait of Hormuz, Libya, Lebanon, Ukraine, China, and bilateral relations between Rome and Washington.
Meloni’s approach was one of firmness without rupture. “We both understand how important the transatlantic relationship is,” the prime minister explained, while adding that both Italy and the United States must defend “their own national interests.” This is the line adopted by Palazzo Chigi: loyalty to the Western alliance, centrality of the relationship with Washington, but no automatic subordination when national security, parliamentary prerogatives and Mediterranean stability are at stake.
In one sentence, Meloni summed up the political meaning of the meeting: “Italy defends its national interests just as the United States does. And it is good that we agree on this.”
That point is far from secondary. The meeting with Rubio came after tensions triggered by Washington’s line on Iran and by American pressure on European allies. Speaking in Rome, Rubio insisted on the need not to limit opposition to Tehran to public statements. The secretary of state accused Iran of trying to normalize control over an international waterway such as the Strait of Hormuz, describing such a scenario as a dangerous precedent. The fundamental question every country must ask, Rubio argued, is whether it is willing to accept that a state can claim control over a crucial international maritime passage.
On this issue, Italy’s position remains cautious but not ambiguous. Rome considers freedom of navigation in the Strait of Hormuz a strategic interest, not least because of the economic consequences that any escalation would have on energy prices and inflation. At the same time, the Italian government does not intend to be drawn into offensive operations without a clear framework, without a political process, and without an assessment of Italy’s own national interests.
It is a conservative position in the most concrete sense of the word: defending alliances, while preserving the sovereign decision-making authority of the state; supporting the West, while ensuring that Italy does not become the logistical platform for wars decided elsewhere.
The meeting also confirmed Meloni’s attempt to position Italy as one of Washington’s most reliable interlocutors in Europe. At a time when several European capitals are struggling to adjust to the new American approach, Rome is trying to keep the transatlantic channel open without giving up its own strategic autonomy. For Meloni, this balance is essential: Italy must remain firmly anchored to the West, but it must also be able to speak to the United States as a political partner, not merely as a compliant ally.
For Italy, the Mediterranean remains the decisive theatre. The crises in Libya and Lebanon, the instability of the Middle East, the security of maritime routes and the pressure on energy supplies all touch Rome more directly than they do many other European capitals. This is why Meloni’s caution on Iran should not be confused with hesitation. It reflects the awareness that Italy’s national interest is shaped first and foremost by the stability of its neighbourhood. A conservative foreign policy, in this sense, does not chase abstract formulas, but starts from geography, borders, energy security and the protection of national communities.
Rubio also sought to reassure Italian officials on one of the most sensitive issues: the American military presence in Europe. After Trump’s threats to reconsider the deployment of U.S. troops on the continent, the secretary of state clarified that he and Meloni had not discussed specific topics such as the withdrawal of American forces from Europe, noting that any such decision belongs to the president. At the same time, Rubio described himself as “a strong supporter of NATO” and explained that one of the central reasons for America’s presence in the Alliance is the ability to have forces deployed in Europe that can be used in emergency situations.
Yet here, too, the friction emerged. Rubio observed that for some NATO members this possibility may no longer be guaranteed as it once was, describing the matter as “an issue that needs to be examined further.” The reference was to European resistance over the use of bases and airspace in connection with the Iranian crisis. According to Reuters, Italy had refused last month to allow the use of the Sigonella base for combat operations linked to the conflict with Iran, arguing that Washington had not sought prior authorization from Rome.
This is precisely the political point: Meloni’s Italy does not want a rupture with Washington, but neither does it accept being treated as a pawn. The prime minister knows that the bond with the United States remains a pillar of Italy’s international position. At the same time, she is asserting Rome’s right to defend its own interests in the wider Mediterranean, in Libya, in Lebanon, on energy security and in the management of regional crises. It is a posture that seeks to combine Atlanticism, realism and national sovereignty.
Ukraine was also discussed. Rubio reiterated that Washington is ready to continue playing a mediating role, but does not intend to invest “time and energy” in an effort that produces no progress. Meloni, for her part, continues to move along the line of Western firmness against Russian aggression, while also keeping the door open to a diplomatic framework capable of avoiding an endless war of attrition.
The Vatican file was no less relevant. Rubio arrived in Rome also to meet Pope Leo XIV, after the controversy sparked by Trump’s attacks on the pontiff. In a Catholic country such as Italy, those words carried political weight. Meloni had called them “unacceptable,” drawing in turn a harsh response from the American president. For this reason as well, the face-to-face meeting at Palazzo Chigi carried significance beyond ordinary diplomacy: it served to test whether, despite the heated rhetoric, relations between the Italian government and the American administration could remain anchored in trust, shared interests and mutual respect.
In this sense, the Rome meeting was not merely a diplomatic courtesy, but a test of Italy’s room for manoeuvre within the Western camp. Meloni’s message was clear: loyalty to allies is not in question, but loyalty must coexist with responsibility toward Italian citizens, national security and the country’s strategic priorities.
For now, the answer is a cautious thaw. Not a full reconciliation, not a return to perfect harmony, but a reopened channel. Meloni chose not to inflame the confrontation, but neither did she retreat. She reminded Rubio that Western unity is “precious,” but that unity cannot mean the abandonment of sovereignty.
This is the meaning of the Rome meeting: Italy remains in the West, remains in NATO, and remains an ally of the United States. But it does so as an adult nation, aware of its role and determined to defend its own interests.